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Two more aides left John Fetterman’s office in recent weeks, the latest in a stream of staff exits amid the Pennsylvania senator’s shifting political persona and questions about his health.

Fetterman aides Madeleine Marr and Caroline Shaffer parted ways with his team, according to two people familiar with their departures and granted anonymity to speak freely. They left shortly before New York Magazine reported that current and former Fetterman staff are increasingly concerned about the Democratic senator’s mental and physical health, one of the people said.

Staff inside Fetterman’s office had been bracing for the magazine’s story in the days before it was published. Fetterman has denied that he is not fit to serve, calling the report “a one-source hit piece.”

A Fetterman spokesperson declined to comment, and Shaffer and Marr did not immediately respond to requests for comment. The two staffers had both worked for Fetterman’s office since early 2023, according to the congressional data website LegiStorm. The site listed them as legislative assistants.

Fetterman’s former chief of staff, top communications aides and legislative director departed his office in the last year and a half.

In addition to concerns over his health, some former staffers have been unsettled by Fetterman’s hardline support for Israel and recent meeting with President Donald Trump. Though Fetterman eschewed the “progressive” label during his 2022 Senate campaign, he supported some left-wing policies and backed Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) during his 2016 presidential bid.

Fetterman’s defenders, many of whom are coming from conservative circles in recent days, have argued that Fetterman is being targeted by progressives because he sometimes bucks Democratic Party orthodoxy. A Monday op-ed in The Wall Street Journal argued that Fetterman “turns out to be rather moderate, so the left claims he is mentally unfit.”

Senate Republicans could vote as soon as next week on a controversial proposal to nix federal waivers allowing California to set its own emissions standards — potentially bringing a simmering debate over the chamber’s rules to a head.

“We’re going to pass it next week,” Sen. John Barrasso (R-Wyo.) told reporters after a closed-door conference lunch where they discussed the proposal at length.

Senate Majority Leader John Thune hasn’t yet committed to bringing the measure to the floor next week, and a key sponsor, Sen. Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia, cautioned that the schedule isn’t “100 percent decided” yet. The Senate has until the first week of June to act under the Congressional Review Act.

But Republicans are feeling increasingly confident that they will have the votes to undo California’s longstanding waivers after leaving a House-passed disapproval resolution in a weeks-long limbo. Republicans can lose three of their own and still let Vice President JD Vance break a tie.

“We’re going to do it,” Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.) said after Tuesday’s lunch, adding that he was confident because “I can tell the way people feel.” Sen. Markwayne Mullin (R-Okla.), a leadership adviser, also said that he was “very confident” that Republicans will have the votes to nix the California waiver.

The controversy is less about the policy merits and more about a Government Accountability Office finding that said the waiver isn’t actually subject to CRA review. Senate Parliamentarian Elizabeth MacDonough backed up that finding, and the prospect of overruling her has spooked a handful of GOP senators wary of weakening Senate rules in a way that would come back to bite them when Democrats are back in control of Congress.

Republicans are hopeful they’ll have support from at least one member Democrats have targeted — former GOP Leader Mitch McConnell — but they haven’t locked in the votes yet and are actively working to sway the undecideds.

One of them, Sen. Susan Collins of Maine, said she continued to have “some procedural issues” and would meet Tuesday with Capito to work through them. Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska said in a brief interview she is discussing the issue with colleagues and not yet ready to make a decision.

“There is obviously apprehension if we go sideways on our own rules and so I’m having a lot of good conversations,” Murkowski said.

Democrats have sounded the alarm over a possible vote, warning GOP leaders in a letter earlier this month that it would be akin to deploying the “nuclear option” against the Senate’s rules. But Republicans are trying to minimize any blowback by focusing on the GAO ruling, not the parliamentarian.

“It’s about whether GAO is able to … veto a process that has never been questioned before,” Capito said. “I see it as us asserting our prerogative.”

Rep. Buddy Carter is proposing to strip three New Jersey lawmakers of their House committee assignments after they participated last week in a protest at a Newark migrant detention facility.

The Georgia Republican introduced a one-page resolution that would remove Rep. Bonnie Watson Coleman from the Appropriations Committee, Rep. Rob Menendez from the Energy and Commerce Committee and Rep. LaMonica McIver from committees on Homeland Security and Small Business.

“This behavior constitutes an assault on our brave ICE agents and undermines the rule of law. The three members involved in this stunt do not deserve to sit on committees alongside serious lawmakers,” Carter said in a statement.

A Department of Homeland Security spokesperson already suggested the lawmakers could be arrested — something House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries called a “red line” on Tuesday. Spokespeople for the three New Jersey Democrats did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Removing the lawmakers from their committees would be a less drastic step but still mark a major escalation in cross-party tensions. Republicans removed three Democrats from committees last Congress for various infractions; that followed Democrats booting Reps. Paul Gosar (R-Ariz.) and Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) from their panels when they held the majority in the Congress before that.

While Republicans say the lawmakers wrongfully forced their way into the detention facility, resulting in a chaotic scrum that was caught on video, Democrats argue they were legally entitled to inspect the facility as members of Congress. Newark Mayor Ras Baraka was arrested at the protest and later released.

Carter last week launched a Senate campaign against Democratic incumbent Jon Ossoff. It’s not clear if the resolution will hit the House floor; a spokesperson for Speaker Mike Johnson did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Carter could seek to bring the measure up under a fast-track process that would bypass House leadership and committees.

Fox News first reported the bill’s introduction.

Hailey Fuchs contributed to this report

The Medicaid portions of the GOP megabill would lead to 10.3 million people losing coverage under the health safety net program and 7.6 million people going uninsured, according to estimates from the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office.

Republicans released the partial estimates Tuesday less than a half hour before the House Energy and Commerce Committee is scheduled to mark up its portion of the legislation central to enacting President Donald Trump’s agenda on taxes, the border and energy.

The panel has been tasked with finding $880 billion in savings, and the CBO confirmed the committee is on track to meet that target. CBO also projects that many of the major Medicaid policies would account for $625 billion in savings, though the scorekeeping office didn’t calculate the impacts of all provisions.

Work requirements would produce the biggest savings in the bill, accounting for nearly $301 billion over a decade — deeper than what had been initially anticipated. Overturning Biden-era rules on the program would save nearly $163 billion, and a moratorium on new taxes that states levy on providers to help finance their programs would recoup roughly $87 billion.

Republicans have argued that the changes will streamline Medicaid and allow it to better focus on serving the most vulnerable beneficiaries.

Democrats have argued the changes will lead to devastating impacts on health care access and have made the case — including by pointing to previous CBO estimates — that work requirements would simply remove people from coverage rather than motivate beneficiaries to find jobs.

“Republicans are trying to say this is kind of a moderate bill,” Energy and Commerce ranking member Frank Pallone told reporters Monday. “Nothing could be further from the truth.”

House Republicans are gearing up for their most consequential megabill markups Tuesday with massive, unresolved policy fights that could unravel President Donald Trump’s “big, beautiful bill.”

WAYS AND MEANS — At least one blue-state Republican is threatening to torpedo the GOP’s tax package over Chair Jason Smith’s proposal to triple the cap on the state and local tax deduction to $30,000 and limit it to people who make $400,000 or less.

“The bill is dead effectively on the floor,” Rep. Nick LaLota, one of a quartet of so-called SALT Republicans advocating for a higher cap, told POLITICO Monday night. Smith “insulted us with fake numbers” and “demonstrated bad faith in presenting a bill that … doesn’t even come close to earning our vote,” said LaLota, who is not on Ways and Means, but whose support will be necessary when the bill comes to the House floor.

But the SALT plan isn’t final. Ways and Means will use the placeholder language when it marks up its portion of the megabill at 2:30 p.m., with the expectation that negotiations will continue until the floor vote on the full legislation. Speaker Mike Johnson huddled with SALT Republicans and other top GOP lawmakers on Monday, and many Republicans involved in the talks believe they’ll end up compromising on slightly higher numbers, according to people familiar with the discussions.

ENERGY AND COMMERCE — The panel is poised for an epic, Medicaid-focused markup starting Tuesday at 2 p.m. that could continue overnight and late into Wednesday. Committee Democrats say it could run longer than the marathon 27-hour markup during Republicans’ unsuccessful attempt to repeal the Affordable Care Act in 2017.

Expect Democrats to offer a host of amendments to try and force Republicans into difficult votes over Medicaid. So far, it looks like Chair Brett Guthrie has gotten moderates on board with a plan that would force states to make some difficult decisions. One centrist panel member, Nick Langworthy, said he’s been won over, calling Guthrie’s gambit a “bold” proposal that protects Medicaid “for those who genuinely need it.” The bigger test may come after the markup, however, when it hits the floor and goes up against conservatives angling for deeper spending cuts.

Required reading ahead of E&C’s markup: How Guthrie, who has long wanted to overhaul Medicaid, is selling a compromise.

AGRICULTURE — The most contentious plan for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program is officially on tap Tuesday: Forcing states to pay for part of the program using a sliding scale based on their payment error rates, beginning fiscal year 2028. Some Republicans fear this cost-share plan would disproportionately impact rural and red states including Alaska and South Carolina.

Agriculture Committee lawmakers will begin their markup at 7:30 p.m. and break at midnight, then reconvene for amendment debate at 10 a.m. Wednesday.

What Democrats are doing amid these megabill markups: Staying on message. The DNC is sending a mobile billboard around the Hill this morning criticizing Republicans for cutting Medicaid and SNAP, according to plans shared first with POLITICO. And the Democratic Women’s Caucus is urging Republicans across these three committees not to cut safety-net programs, according to a letter sent Tuesday that POLITICO obtained first.

“We have heard from women and families from across the country, and the message is clear — do not cut programs and services that deliver basic necessities like food and health care for women and families,” the caucus wrote.

Across the Capitol: Many GOP senators are bristling over some of the policies their House counterparts are pursuing. Sen. Ron Johnson said Monday he’d oppose the current House megabill for not going far enough to reduce the deficit, in a preview of problems to come for the party-line bill.

What else we’re watching:

— It’s not just Medicaid: Lawmakers are also proposing a dramatic concession to the tech industry as part of the Energy and Commerce contribution to the GOP megabill. When the committee meets later Tuesday, members will consider a 10-year moratorium on state and local regulation of AI models, amid growing tensions between federal lawmakers and state regulators. (Though it’s not likely to survive the Senate’s Byrd Rule.)

— Library of Congress fallout: Add Senate Majority Leader John Thune to the list of congressional leaders pushing back against Trump’s decision to fire top officials at the Library of Congress. Thune said on Monday that lawmakers “want to make sure we’re following precedent and procedure” in naming a replacement for ousted Librarian of Congress Carla Hayden. He added: “We want to make sure congressional equities are respected and protected in this process.”

— Dem Oversight race: Rep. Jasmine Crockett is planning to run for her party’s top slot on House Oversight after wavering last week when Rep. Kweisi Mfume, one of the most senior Democrats on the panel and a fellow Congressional Black Caucus member, started making moves toward a bid. In a text message sent to colleagues, Crockett said the current times “call for an extraordinary response” which is why she is seeking the position.

Anthony Adragna, Jordain Carney, Mohar Chatterjee, Hailey Fuchs, Benjamin Guggenheim, Meredith Lee Hill, Nicholas Wu and Grace Yarrow contributed to this report.

President Donald Trump won more than he lost in the House GOP’s newly unveiled tax legislation, though some of his priorities were slimmed down and his bid to raise taxes on some financial heavyweights wasn’t included.

The bill — which the House tax-writing committee will take up Tuesday — not only delivers on his promise to make a slew of his expiring 2017 tax cuts permanent, but also includes tax relief for tips, seniors and overtime work. Trump also got his request to give taxpayers a deduction for the interest they pay on auto loans, and to limit deductions for the purchase of sports teams.

The bill leaves a placeholder to at least triple the state and local tax deduction, after Trump promised blue-state Republicans during the presidential campaign that he would “get SALT back,” a break prized by their constituents that is now capped at $10,000. The exact contours are still up for discussion, though, Speaker Mike Johnson said.

In an homage to Trump’s populist base, Republicans would create a new tax-preferred savings plan called a “MAGA account” for children under the age of 8.

The draft also delivers another key Trump demand — a $4 trillion debt ceiling hike. The president raised the issue in private for months, saying he did not want to be forced into a massive spending deal with Democrats in order to avoid a debt default.

Trump took to his Truth Social platform and declared the bill “GREAT.”

“When I return from the Middle East, where great things will happen for America, we will work together on any and all outstanding issues, but there shouldn’t be many,” he wrote.

But the bill would require Trump to make some compromises. The breaks for tips, seniors and overtime pay would only last four years and include income restrictions for qualifying. That’s a nod to the fiscal constraints Republican tax writers are working under, which require trillions of dollars in spending cuts to offset some of the cost of the tax cuts.

And the plan doesn’t heed Trump’s call to eliminate the ”carried interest loophole” that taxes some income earned by private equity and hedge fund managers at a lower rate than normal income.

A tax increase on the highest-earning Americans, which administration officials had said was on the table, didn’t make it in either. Trump himself sent conflicting signals about the idea, seeming to embrace a “tiny” increase, while simultaneously saying it would be a bad political move.

Of course, this isn’t the end of the road for the bill. It’s just the beginning. The massive bill’s path through the GOP’s slim majority in the House is by no means assured. Deficit hawks are still upset.

Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas) took to X after the bill’s release to complain that the GOP’s plan “leaves more than $20 trillion in additional debt in 10 years — and most of the [spending] cuts are beyond the Trump years.”

Assuming the legislation gets through the House, some additional business breaks are likely to be added in the Senate. But the chamber could also pare things.

The House text is “a good start,” said Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas) on Monday. Asked what changes he wants, Cornyn quipped, “How much time do you have? I don’t have that much time.”

“I want to wait and see what the House actually passes because these at this point are just sort of ideas,” Cornyn said.

Trump’s top economic adviser, Kevin Hassett, appeared to acknowledge as much shortly after House Republicans released the bill Monday, calling it “a great first step.”

Jordain Carney and Megan Messerly contributed to this report.

Sen. Ron Johnson said on Monday that he doesn’t support the House-drafted GOP megabill — the latest reminder of the headaches awaiting the legislation across the Capitol.

“What we’re doing is, we’re looking at all the programs going, ‘We can’t touch that, touch that, can’t touch that,’” Johnson said of the House’s effort.

Johnson has repeatedly warned he would oppose the bill emerging from the House if it doesn’t go far enough to reduce the deficit. The House GOP bill, which faces a crucial stretch of committee work before a full vote on the floor next week, aims to reduce spending by least $1.5 trillion.

Johnson, in a separate Wall Street Journal op-ed published Monday, predicted that “much of that minuscule decrease will be backloaded to the end of the 10 years for which Congress is now budgeting, increasing the probability those savings will never be realized.”

Senate Republicans have pointed to that $1.5 trillion House target as their “aspirational” goal. But some, including Johnson, want to go significantly higher and return to “pre-pandemic” spending levels — or a reduction of roughly $6.5 trillion. Senate Finance Committee Republicans walked through the top lines of the House tax proposal during a closed-door meeting on Monday night, with Johnson indicating afterward that he was unmoved.

Republicans can lose three GOP senators on the floor and still let Vice President JD Vance break the tie to pass the bill. Senate Republicans have been working behind the scenes to try to reduce the areas of disagreement before the House takes the bill to the floor, but they are also expected to make changes to the bill.

Republicans believe they already have one no vote: Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.). If Johnson makes good on his threats, that would mean Republicans could only lose one other GOP senator. Several are being watched closely, including Sens. Susan Collins (Maine) and Josh Hawley (Mo.).

House Republican leaders appear to have won support from key moderates by backing off the most controversial proposals to overhaul Medicaid — but it has created new risks for the GOP’s domestic policy megabill.

Fierce pressure is now building from hospitals and clinics to the Medicaid cuts that have survived while conservative hard-liners are threatening to withhold their votes if they don’t get deeper trims to the safety-net program.

It adds up to a bumpy road ahead for the House Energy and Commerce Committee as it prepares for a marathon meeting to advance the legislation Tuesday afternoon.

The proposal unveiled by Chair Brett Guthrie (R-Ky.) would not slash federal reimbursement rates in most cases or impose per-capita caps on payments to states, but it would likely force states to revamp how they finance their programs or cut benefits. A preliminary Congressional Budget Office estimate requested by Democrats found that more than 8.6 million people would go uninsured if the health portions of the GOP’s party-line package become law.

While such significant changes to Medicaid could face significant resistance in the Senate — Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.), for example, wrote in a New York Times op-ed Monday that big Medicaid cuts are “morally wrong and politically suicidal” — Guthrie appears to have the votes he needs to make progress this week.

Rep. Nick Langworthy (R-N.Y.), an Energy and Commerce member who had been wary of deep cuts to Medicaid, praised the “bold” proposal in a social media post Monday, saying it “achieves our top priorities: protecting Medicaid for those who genuinely need it.”

So did Rep. Gabe Evans (R-Colo.), another panel member who said the legislation, “follows through on Republicans’ promises to cut waste, fraud, and abuse while protecting coverage for Colorado’s most vulnerable populations.”

“The critics will spread fear about cuts for political purposes, so let me clear: this bill allows Medicaid spending to increase year-over-year for the next ten years,” he added.

Once past the committee, however, the legislation faces a whirlwind of threats on the House floor, where opposition from any three Republican members could sink the entire sweeping package of tax cuts, border security enhancements, defense plus-ups and more.

A key leader of the hard-right bloc, Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas), said in social media posts Monday that Guthrie’s proposal doesn’t offer “ANY transformative changes” to Medicaid, “among MANY [other] problems.“

“We will need SIGNIFICANT additional changes to garner my support,” Roy added.

And it remains to be seen if a broader group of swing-district Republicans would be swayed by the proposal. Guthrie has made the case that the legislation would preserve Medicaid for the most vulnerable instead of “capable adults who choose not to work,” but Democrats are prepared to weaponize coverage-loss predictions and potentially major impacts on state budgets to pressure potential GOP holdouts.

“The Republicans are trying to say this is a moderate bill,” ranking member Frank Pallone (D-N.J.) told reporters Monday, referring to the proposals GOP leaders opted not to include. “Nothing could be further from the truth.”

A mounting pressure campaign from health care facilities could be especially influential; many Republicans have cited the potential for hospital and clinic closures in expressing wariness about deeper cuts. While worst-case scenarios did not come to fruition, providers are arguing the proposed policies would still have devastating impacts.

The National Association of Community Health Centers is blanketing Capitol Hill for a fly-in Tuesday, and hospital groups are issuing blistering statements. Hospitals are major employers in many members’ districts and can have significant sway over members’ votes.

“Congressional Republicans and President Trump rightly pledged to protect Medicaid benefits and coverage — this bill fails that test,” said Chip Kahn, president of the Federation for American Hospitals, in a statement. “It is imperative Republicans go back to the drawing board; too many lives depend on it.”

“Congress has a moral obligation to consider the harm that such disastrous cuts would have on America’s health safety net,” added Sister Mary Haddad, the Catholic Health Association CEO.

Some blue state governments also warned about coverage losses and crushing fiscal impacts. Sarah Adelman, commissioner of New Jersey’s Medicaid agency, said the proposal “would cut people off from coverage and take vital funding away from New Jersey” by curtailing provider taxes, a common practice states use to finance their Medicaid programs.

She also said that punishing states for using their own funding to offer coverage regardless of immigration status is “cruel and short-sighted.”

The Greater New York Hospital Association also slammed the bill, arguing in a statement that work requirements could lead to 1.6 million people to lose coverage in the state. The group also projected New York would lose $1.6 billion in federal funds from the cut to expansion funding for coverage of undocumented immigrants. New York is one of 14 states that use state funds to cover undocumented children.

Republicans, meanwhile, are accusing Democrats and their allies of fear-mongering about the impacts. They are feuding, for instance, over one CBO estimate Democrats used to claim the legislation would lead to 13.7 million more people going uninsured — an estimate that included coverage losses attributable to the potential expiration of enhanced subsidies for Affordable Care Act, something Republicans never meant to address in the party-line megabill, even if they are skeptical about extending them.

“Democrats are pedaling incorrect reports that include policies that aren’t even in the bill,” Guthrie said in a statement. “It is reckless that my colleagues on the other side of the aisle claimed an artificially high number in alleged coverage loss just so they can fear monger and score political points.”

Rep. Jasmine Crockett is telling fellow House Democrats she plans to run for her party’s Oversight Committee slot, plowing ahead with a bid after wavering last week, according to a text to lawmakers obtained by POLITICO.

“I believe in deference & frankly, the institution, but I recognize that the walls of this institution are collapsing around us and we are living in EXTRAORDINARY times, which call for an extraordinary response which is why I will seek the position of ranker for the Committee on Oversight & Government Reform,” the Texas Democrat wrote to lawmakers. “I am asking for your consideration because I possess the merit to serve in THIS moment.”

Crockett told POLITICO last week she was rethinking whether to seek the top job after Rep. Kweisi Mfume (D-Md.) ramped up his own quiet outreach for the position. She cited seniority concerns and the potential that the Congressional Black Caucus could be divided.

Mfume, meanwhile, is also reaching out to colleagues about his interest in the slot. In those messages, he invoked late Oversight Chair Elijah Cummings, a civil rights legend and fellow Baltimorean who led the committee during Trump’s first term, according to a copy of the message obtained by POLITICO.

“I am prepared to meet that moment, as my lifelong friend and predecessor Elijah Cummings did under the first twisted Trump Administration,” Mfume said. “As the main investigative House Committee, it’s important to aggressively push back now against Trump’s daily encroachment on Congressional powers.”

Reps. Stephen Lynch of Massachusetts and Robert Garcia of California have also had private conversations with colleagues about the post, according to three people familiar with the situation.

The escalating outreach from lawmakers comes amid a quiet contest for the ranking member position currently held by Rep. Gerry Connolly of Virginia, who’s said he will step aside amid a battle with cancer.

Top congressional leaders are pushing back against President Donald Trump’s attempt to replace two Library of Congress leaders, with the dispute over presidential powers over the institution leaving its future in question Monday.

Senate Majority Leader John Thune said in a brief interview that congressional leaders “want to make sure we’re following precedent and procedure” in naming a replacement for Carla Hayden, the Librarian of Congress whom Trump dismissed Thursday.

Trump on Monday appointed Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche as acting Librarian of Congress, but the official now holding that post, Robert Randolph Newlen, did not immediately recognize the appointment as valid, according to an email Newlen sent to library employees.

The clash included a brief standoff Monday at the Library of Congress in which Justice Department officials arrived claiming to be newly in charge of the agency, said a person familiar with the interaction. After library officials resisted, the DOJ officials departed without resolving the conflict.

Capitol Police officers were called to the scene but told by library staff that they were were not needed, according to another person, who was also granted anonymity to describe the sensitive matter.

Thune’s comments indicate that the dispute has reached the highest levels of congressional leadership, which is currently in the hands of Republican majorities. He said “we want to make sure congressional equities are respected and protected in this process.”

A spokesperson for Speaker Mike Johnson did not immediately return a request for comment. Any GOP objections to Blanche’s appointment would represent rare pushback to Trump’s presidential authority. So far in his second term, Republicans have by and large let Trump have his way in slashing government spending and levying foreign tariffs — both areas where Congress hold clear constitutional powers.

While the president nominates the Librarian of Congress for Senate confirmation, the library itself is part of the legislative branch. Thune did not answer when asked whether he thought Trump had the authority to name an acting chief librarian.

Newlen’s email to staff Monday said “Congress is engaged with the White House and we have not received direction from Congress about how to move forward.” Newlen was previously principal deputy librarian under Hayden.

Trump on Saturday also dismissed top U.S. copyright official Shira Perlmutter, who was appointed by Hayden. The firing came a day after her office released a draft report on use of copyrighted materials in artificial intelligence.

Congressional Democrats have castigated Trump’s moves at the library and have called for Congress to end the president’s power to nominate the top librarian. A House Democratic litigation task force is reviewing potential legal options, according to a person granted anonymity to discuss the private deliberations.

Rep. Joe Morelle of New York, the top Democrat on the House panel overseeing the library, called for an inspector general investigation into the White House moves — including the possible transfer of congressional files.

“The executive has no authority to demand or receive confidential legislative branch data, and the Library has no legal basis to supply such information without authorization from Congress,” he wrote.

Josh Gerstein, Chris Marquette and Nicholas Wu contributed to this report.