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President Donald Trump said Monday he “just called” Speaker Mike Johnson and Senate Majority Leader John Thune to inform them about the cost savings they could recoup for their party-line megabill — thanks to the president’s sprawling tariff regime and his “most favored nation” drug pricing executive order.

“You’re gonna have to, No. 1, score hundreds of millions of dollars of tariff money coming in,” Trump said, seemingly referring to a cost analysis by the Congressional Budget Office. “But even bigger than that, you’re gonna have to score that your costs for Medicaid and Medicare and just basically pharmaceuticals and drugs are coming down at a level nobody has ever seen before.”

Neither provision is included in draft legislation related to the package of tax cuts and extensions, border security investments, energy policy and more, and each would be unlikely to get the near-unanimous GOP support needed for passage.

Trump delivered this remarks from the White House during the rollout of his “most favored nation” executive order, which he says will help slash drug costs by tying the price the United States pays for drugs to the lower prices paid by other nations.

The president later made similar points in a Truth Social post: “[W]ith the tremendous Drug and Pharmaceutical Cuts, plus massive incoming Tariff Money, our “GREAT, BIG, BEAUTIFUL BILL” just got much BIGGER and BETTER.”

He added he would “work together on any and all outstanding issues, but there shouldn’t be many — The Bill is GREAT. We have no alternative, WE MUST WIN!”

Congressional Republicans are divided over their party’s proposals for significant changes to Medicaid — including likely cuts to the safety net program — to help pay for their megabill, which is paramount for enacting Trump’s domestic agenda.

In his comments Monday, Trump appeared to try to assuage those concerns, echoing a frequent talking point that his tariffs — and now drug pricing policies — would soon bring in enough money to allow the government to make massive spending cuts.

“It makes that whole situation different from a scoring standpoint,” Trump said of the drug pricing announcement.

The Justice Department’s No. 2 official now has a second job: running the Library of Congress. President Donald Trump has appointed Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche as the acting librarian, a DOJ official said Monday.

The added duties for Blanche come after Trump fired Librarian of Congress Carla Hayden on Thursday, about nine years into her 10-year term.

White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt said Friday that Trump had dismissed Hayden because “she did not fit the needs of the American people.” Leavitt described as “quite concerning” Hayden’s work on diversity, equity and inclusion, or DEI, programs.

The library’s official biography of Hayden, who is African American, touts her use of a private grant to engage with “underrepresented” communities and “add their perspectives to the Library’s collections.”

Leavitt also claimed Hayden was “putting inappropriate books in the library for children,” a puzzling assertion since the Library of Congress is not a lending library and researchers have to be at least 16.

Trump on Saturday also dismissed top U.S. copyright official Shira Perlmutter, who was appointed by Hayden. The firing came a day after her office released a draft report on use of copyrighted materials in artificial intelligence.

Congressional Democrats have denounced Trump’s move and called for Congress to pass a law eliminating the president’s power to appoint the top librarian.

“We must assert our congressional prerogative by making the position of Librarian of Congress appointed by a Congressional commission — not by presidents that treat federal appointments like reality TV prizes,” Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer said.

Blanche is taking over from Principal Deputy Librarian Robert Newlen, who automatically replaced Hayden on an acting basis last week.

Sen. Josh Hawley is warning his own party’s push to overhaul Medicaid could be politically perilous, just hours after House Republicans revealed a major plan to do so that could lead to millions losing coverage.

“A noisy contingent of corporatist Republicans — call it the party’s Wall Street wing — is urging Congress to ignore all that and get back to the old-time religion: corporate giveaways, preferences for capital and deep cuts to social insurance,” Hawley, a Missouri Republican, said in a New York Times op-ed Monday. “This wing of the party wants Republicans to build our big, beautiful bill around slashing health insurance for the working poor. But that argument is both morally wrong and politically suicidal.”

Hawley has been a persistent skeptic of significant changes to Medicaid to help pay for the GOP’s megabill central to enacting President Donald Trump’s domestic agenda on taxes, energy and the border.

House Republicans have been weighing some controversial changes to the health safety-net program, including per-capita caps on federal payments to states like Missouri that have expanded Medicaid through the Democrats’ 2010 health law. The House Republican proposal, released late Sunday night, would not have the Energy and Commerce Committee find $880 billion in savings by pursuing that specific overhaul. It would, however, likely force states to revamp how they finance their programs or cut benefits, along with new cost-sharing requirements for beneficiaries in the program.

Democrats released preliminary Congressional Budget Office estimates they requested Sunday night, which found that more than 8.6 million people would go uninsured if the health portions of the GOP’s party-line package became law — resulting in cuts of at least $715 billion. Energy and Commerce Chair Brett Guthrie (R-Ky.) has defended the proposal, arguing it would preserve the program for the most vulnerable.

Hawley’s opposition is a sign of some of the potential hurdles the House plan could face if it clears the chamber and reaches the Senate, which has a slim GOP majority and several Republicans wary of a major overhaul.

The senator didn’t directly address the details of that proposal, saying the House will “begin to hash out its differences in negotiations this week.” But he said the electoral consequences could be stark if Republicans move forward with major cuts.

“If Republicans want to be a working-class party — if we want to be a majority party — we must ignore calls to cut Medicaid and start delivering on America’s promise for America’s working people,” Hawley wrote.

House Republicans are just 30 hours away from starting their most consequential committee votes yet on President Donald Trump’s “big, beautiful bill.” Here’s the latest on what we know as GOP leaders push to have the bill on the floor next week.

First, for your situational awareness: After committee votes this week, GOP leaders are aiming for the Budget Committee to vote on the plan Friday morning, followed by Rules Committee consideration next Monday. The real hard deadline for Hill Republicans is August, which is when Treasury expects the U.S. to hit its debt limit X-date and run out of cash to pay its bills. The administration wants Congress to act on that by mid-July.

MEDICAID CUTS TAKE SHAPE — Energy and Commerce Chair Brett Guthrie late Sunday unveiled the slice of the budget reconciliation bill that his committee is set to take up Tuesday. It appears to be an attempt at striking a compromise between GOP moderates and conservative hardliners who have been at odds over how much to cut Medicaid to help pay for the bill’s latest round of Trump tax cuts.

But it could still lead to millions losing Medicaid coverage and force states to make difficult decisions. Guthrie is declining to cap federal funding to states that have expanded Medicaid, a proposal that moderates were wary of. But the plan would limit taxes that states levy on hospitals and providers to help finance their Medicaid programs, which could lead states to cut benefits. State officials are poised to fight back.

TAX CUT QUESTIONS — Later Monday, Ways and Means Chair Jason Smith is expected to release the full details of his plan to extend Trump’s 2017 tax cuts and enact a further tax overhaul, after circulating an incomplete version Friday night. Ahead of a markup that begins Tuesday at 2 p.m., Smith is expected to brief Republican lawmakers on the details Monday at 1 p.m.

Right now, the bill appears to have a math problem. The draft that Ways and Means released Friday has an estimated $5 trillion cost, above the $4.5 trillion that Republicans permitted in their underlying budget framework. It’s raising questions about whether the full bill will include some tax hikes. The Friday draft was also silent on a number of Trump 2.0 tax proposals.

SALT was another glaring omission, and we’re expecting further movement on that Monday. SALT Republicans who’ve been clashing with leadership — and each other — over the parameters for lifting the cap on state and local deductions are meeting with Ways and Means Republicans and Speaker Mike Johnson at 10 a.m. to try to hash out a deal, according to two people familiar with the plans.

Fill in the blanks: We’re looking for details Monday on some of Trump’s biggest campaign-trail tax pledges, including eliminating taxes on tips and overtime, and expensive business provisions Republicans want to restore.

SNAP FIGHT — Republicans will turbocharge the fight over the nation’s largest anti-hunger program when House Agriculture releases its megabill proposal Monday. Ahead of a markup beginning Tuesday at 7:30 p.m., the text will put details behind a slew of proposals Republicans are pushing as they look to cut $230 billion in federal spending on the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program.

The most contentious plan would force states to pay for a portion of benefits for the first time, alarming GOP centrists like Reps. Don Bacon and David Valadao and state GOP leaders. West Virginia Gov. Patrick Morrisey and Alabama Commissioner of Agriculture and Industries Rick Pate are among those warning that the cost-sharing proposal would blow holes through state budgets and lead to massive reductions in services.

Pressure’s on: Families Over Billionaires, a liberal-leaning nonprofit, will hit Republicans over Medicaid cuts and tax changes that benefit the wealthy via mobile billboards circling the Capitol and House office buildings through Wednesday, the group shared first with us.

What else we’re watching:

— Trump’s new pharma plan: The president is set to sign an executive order Monday that could limit Medicare drug costs by tying them to the lower prices other nations pay. It comes after Hill Republicans balked at a similar proposal for Medicaid as an alternative to steep cuts to the program in their megabill. The pharmaceutical industry has slammed the proposals; the new executive order could cost companies billions of dollars.

— Trump’s fresh tests for Hill leaders: Look for top lawmakers to face questions over two weekend developments that pose potential conflicts between the White House and the legislative branch. An ABC News report that Qatar’s royal family was poised to make a super luxury Boeing 747-8 jumbo jet available for Trump as Air Force One and for use after he leaves office is raising ethics questions on both sides of the aisle. Democrats are also hammering Trump for his firing spree at the Library of Congress, after he terminated Register of Copyrights Shira Perlmutter.

— ICE detention center fallout: DHS says arresting three Democratic lawmakers is “on the table” after Reps. Bonnie Watson Coleman, Rob Menendez and LaMonica McIver were involved in a chaotic scene Friday outside an immigration detention center in New Jersey. Watson Coleman claims she was “physically shoved” by an ICE agent. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries is warning the Trump administration to “keep your hands off of members of Congress.”

Benjamin Guggenheim, Meredith Lee Hill, David Lim and Jordan Wolman contributed to this report.

Arizona Sen. Ruben Gallego launched a new immigration plan Monday as he looks to maintain his high-profile voice as a key messenger on the issue — and as a rising star in the Democratic Party.

Gallego suggests ramping up border security by hiring more agents and investing in port infrastructure and drug detection technology, while reforming the asylum system by speeding up the process and treating migrants with “dignity and respect.” The Arizona senator also argues that lawmakers must expand legal pathways for immigrants who are fueling the economy across key industries, including in agriculture, health care and construction.

The plan also says that undocumented immigrants — including Dreamers and spouses of U.S. citizens who have long been living in the country and contributing to the U.S. economy — should have a pathway to citizenship. Gallego also includes ideas for addressing root causes of migration by ensuring other countries also work to resettle asylum seekers and take steps to combat regional instability, drug cartels and economic crises.

“We don’t have to choose between border security and immigration reform. We can and should do both,” Gallego says in a video that will be released later Monday, according to a transcript first shared with POLITICO. “We need to secure the southern border, reform our asylum system, expand legal pathways to citizenship, protect Dreamers and tackle the reasons why people leave their homes in the first place.”

Democrats have long struggled to cut through GOP messaging on immigration, a challenge that peaked in the 2024 presidential race. Since President Donald Trump’s return to power, Democratic leaders have debated when and how to wade into the fight — and what message might resonate best with voters.

Gallego broke with most Democrats by voting in January for the Laken Riley Act, a now-enacted GOP-authored bill that expanded the circumstances under which authorities are required to hold undocumented immigrants accused of crimes. He told POLITICO at the time that his vote represented “working-class Latinos from Arizona.”

“I’m here to bring some more real truth about what people are thinking,” he said, calling some of the immigration advocacy groups that opposed the bill “largely out of touch with where your average Latino is.”

The approach laid out in Gallego’s plan — a message that tackles both border security and fixes to a broken immigration system — is one Democrats are increasingly zeroing in on, especially as polls show some weaknesses in Trump’s aggressive immigration agenda.

The Arizona senator, who eked out a two-point Senate victory in Arizona last year even as former Vice President Kamala Harris fell to Trump, argues that he has credibility as a border-state lawmaker and has seen the immigration system’s “dysfunction firsthand.”

The Democrats’ move also comes on the heels of his weekend stop in the critical battleground of Pennsylvania, which has already sparked speculation that he’s interested in a future presidential bid.

When NBC asked him there about a potential run for the White House, the Arizona Democrat said, “Has it ever crossed my mind? Fucking of course, I’m an elected official, it crosses my mind. Am I thinking about it right now? Absolutely not.”

House Republicans opted against some of the most dramatic changes they had been considering for Medicaid, the joint federal-state program covering nearly 80 million Americans. But they are plowing forward with other major initiatives that could leave millions without coverage as the GOP starts laying out key provisions of its party-line domestic policy megabill.

The House Energy and Commerce Committee proposal released Sunday night attempts to strike a balance between satiating conservatives’ thirst for deep cuts to the program and placating moderates wary of major coverage losses for low-income Americans.

It does not include the most controversial ideas, including per-capita caps on federal Medicaid payments to states, but it incorporates new mandates that will likely force states to revamp how they finance their programs or cut benefits. It also includes new work requirements that are expected to lead many people to lose coverage, as well as a new cost-sharing requirement for some beneficiaries in the program, not to exceed five percent of a patient’s income.

The Energy and Commerce plan also hits on hot-button social issues — proposing, for instance, to cut federal funding for groups like Planned Parenthood and ban the use of Medicaid dollars for gender-affirming care for youth. It also scales back funding from states that use their own funds to offer coverage for undocumented people.

“Democrats will use this as an opportunity to engage in fear-mongering and misrepresent our bill as an attack on Medicaid,” Chair Brett Guthrie (R-Ky.) wrote in a Wall Street Journal op-ed Sunday. “In reality, it preserves and strengthens Medicaid for children, mothers, people with disabilities and the elderly — for whom the program was designed.”

The panel has been tasked with finding $880 billion in savings to help finance a massive portion of the GOP’s party-line package of tax cuts and extensions, border security investments, energy policy and more. Committee Republicans have been under significant pressure to make politically difficult cuts to Medicaid as part of that effort. Guthrie told committee Republicans on a call Sunday that the package will create more than $900 billion in savings.

Moderate Republicans have been hesitant to make major cuts to the popular safety net program for vulnerable Americans, while fiscal hawks have been angling for transformative “structural” changes. Democrats and many players in the health care industry, including hospitals — which are major employers in many districts — are expected to fiercely oppose the proposal.

“Republican leadership released this bill under cover of night because they don’t want people to know their true intentions,” Rep. Frank Pallone (D-N.J.), the top Energy and Commerce Democrat, said in a statement. “Taking health care away from children and moms, seniors in nursing homes, and people with disabilities to give tax breaks to people who don’t need them is shameful. Democrats have defeated Republican efforts to cut health care before and we can do it again.”

Guthrie worked behind the scenes to placate both moderates and conservatives to get to a deal that both sides can live with, but it remains to be seen whether he and his leadership have in fact landed on a winning strategy. Energy and Commerce is scheduled to meet Tuesday at 2 p.m. to debate and advance the bill.

One of the largest potential sources of savings will come from a policy curbing states’ ability to levy taxes on providers, which could force states to make major changes since the taxes can pay for a state’s share of Medicaid costs. The legislation would freeze state provider taxes at their current rates and prohibit them from establishing any new taxes.

Conservatives argue that states use the taxes to boost their federal share of Medicaid payments without having to use their own revenue. Doctors and hospitals don’t mind because a state can direct the extra funds back to them, making up for the tax hike.

Every state except for Alaska relies on a provider tax of some form, an analysis from the research firm KFF found. Last year, 32 percent of states’ contributions to Medicaid costs came from other sources such as local government funds and the provider taxes. States cannot levy more than 6 percent of a provider’s income and must tax those on and off Medicaid.

Some states have already warned Washington about what would happen if they can’t levy Medicaid taxes. New Jersey’s Medicaid agency released a model of potential changes back in February and would lead to an estimated $2.5 billion in cuts to federal funding.

It also will mandate every state to install a work requirement for certain beneficiaries. Able-bodied adults without any dependents would have to work at least 80 hours a month or perform other activities such as community service. It would not apply to pregnant women and only adults from 19 to 64. Tribal members are also exempt as well as those with serious medical conditions.

Congress would leave it up to states to verify compliance with the work requirement.

The bill would also target state-directed payments, which gives states more power over provider payments and allows some providers to get reimbursed more in line with what commercial insurers pay them. The goal of the payments is to bolster pay rates for providers and encourage them to enter value-based payment arrangements where doctors are paid based on the quality of care delivered. Conservatives have argued there isn’t enough transparency in the payments.

Here’s what else the package would — and wouldn’t — do: 

  • Non-health care policies: The package would allow the federal government to auction off wireless spectrum in a move that is expected to generate $88 billion, Guthrie said. It would also claw back Biden-era green energy spending, including climate spending under the Inflation Reduction Act. 
  • Take on some parts of Medicaid expansion: The package would lower the federal share of payments to states that have expanded Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act if the state allows undocumented immigrants to get Medicaid coverage. It is illegal for undocumented immigrants to get coverage, but several states take on the full amount of coverage without any federal match. 
  • Stricter eligibility checks: The legislation would roll back Biden-era rules limiting Medicaid eligibility checks to once annually, allowing them to be made twice a year. Savings would ensue as more are kicked off the rolls.
  • Address cuts to doctor pay in Medicare: Doctors have been angling to reverse payment cuts mandated by a formula that lawmakers on both sides of the aisle say doesn’t account for rising costs. The package aims to blunt that. 
  • Pharmacy benefit manager reform: The package includes an overhaul of the business practices in Medicaid of the pharmacy intermediaries, which pharmaceutical companies argue have driven up the cost of prescription drugs. PBMs have argued they help negotiate lower drug prices and the reforms would limit their ability to do so. 
  • Drug price negotiation: The package would also soften Medicare’s new power to negotiate drug prices under the Inflation Reduction Act for certain drugs. 

President Donald Trump did not act at the behest of lawmakers overseeing the Library of Congress when he fired its chief, Carla Hayden, three people close to those overseers said.

Members on key congressional committees with jurisdiction over the massive library, who questioned Hayden at hearings in recent weeks, did not encourage the White House to remove her, the people said. In some cases, they themselves found out about Hayden’s removal Thursday through news reports and third parties.

“The president acted on his own in this decision,” said one person, who like the others was granted anonymity to discuss the sensitive matter.

White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt told reporters Friday that Hayden, the first Black person and first woman to lead the Library of Congress, “did not fit the needs of the American people.”

“There were quite concerning things that she had done at the Library of Congress in the pursuit of DEI and putting inappropriate books in the library for children,” Leavitt added.

The Library of Congress does not lend books to children, or to adults. Its Young Readers Center hosts talks by children’s authors and provides online materials and programming for kids to encourage reading. Talks, including those hosted by the library at the National Book Festival, have included a diverse roster of authors including those that tackle issues of race in books for teens.

Employees at the library are reeling after the sudden removal of Hayden. Three employees who were granted anonymity due to fear of retribution said they are concerned about a potential purge of the library’s vast collections.

The Library of Congress holds more than 178.2 million items, including more than 25.77 million books. Under federal law, U.S. publishers of books, periodicals and more are required to submit copies of all published works to the library for review and possible acquisition.

Hayden appeared before the Senate Legislative Branch Appropriations Subcommittee and the House Administration Committee in recent weeks, where she took questions from lawmakers on the use of artificial intelligence at the library, construction delays and cost overruns on a visitor’s experience renovation, and about the Congressional Research Service, which is housed within the library.

Lawmakers probed Hayden on an array of issues and acknowledged that she was responsive to inquiries outside of the hearing. Hayden’s 10-year term was scheduled to expire next year.

The Treasury Department said Friday it would likely run out of cash to pay the nation’s bills by August, setting a new, firmer deadline for Congress to act to avoid a catastrophic default on the United States’ more-than $36 trillion debt.

That date could also become the new, de facto deadline for congressional Republicans to pass their megabill of tax cuts, border security investments and energy policy, assuming leadership sticks with its plan to approve a $5 trillion debt limit hike as part of that package.

Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent wrote in a letter to congressional leaders that “there is a reasonable probability” the government’s cash “will be exhausted in August while Congress is scheduled to be in recess,” urging Congress to increase or suspend the debt limit by mid-July “to protect the full faith and credit of the United States.”

The pressure to prevent a first-ever U.S. debt default could help GOP leaders whip support for the final package they are trying to steer past the Senate filibuster.

“A failure to suspend or increase the debt limit would wreak havoc on our financial system and diminish America’s security and global leadership position,” Bessent warned Friday.

If congressional Republicans don’t get their party-line bill to President Donald Trump’s desk before Treasury exhausts its borrowing power, GOP leaders will likely be forced to seek votes from Democrats to head off the fiscal cliff — an exercise that would likely require making major policy concessions to the minority party and risk alienating fiscal hawks.

In the meantime, still buoyed by the surge of revenue from tax season, the Treasury Department is due to get another cash bump in mid-June when quarterly tax receipts flow in from corporations, self-employed people and some other filers.

Then Bessent will be able to extract more borrowing power in late-June from a key federal retirement fund. That’s just one of the typical “extraordinary measures” Treasury has been using to keep the U.S. from defaulting on its loans since the debt limit was reinstated in January, as prescribed by a 2023 deal then-President Joe Biden struck with then-Speaker Kevin McCarthy.

The fate of hundreds of billions’ worth of clean energy tax credits is among the last unresolved big-ticket items Republicans are hashing out before a series of planned committee markups on their big budget bill.

The Agriculture, Energy and Commerce, and Ways and Means committees are hoping to advance their portions of the party-line tax and spending package next week. Language could begin trickling out as soon as Friday.

But negotiators say haggling is still happening on what to do with renewable energy incentives and other credits from the Democrats’ 2022 climate law, which are benefiting red districts and states across the country. Ways and Means has jurisdiction over those programs.

“I’ve heard from people in Ways and Means there is a lot of disagreement in the room,” said Rep. Andrew Garbarino (R-N.Y.), who has been helping lead the charge to protect at least some of the credits. “It’s one of the things that’s the most contentious in the room.”

Seeking to put a marker down for where Republicans across the conference might be willing to compromise, Garbarino and Rep. Jen Kiggans (R-Va.) have introduced the “Certainty for Our Energy Future Act.” It would phase out solar and wind incentives, disqualify companies tied to foreign adversaries and preserve the ability of businesses to buy and sell certain clean energy credits — a practice known as “transferability.”

Republican Reps. Dan Newhouse of Washington, David Valadao of California and Mark Amodei of Nevada have also signed on to the legislation.

“The goal was to find a place that people could live with,” said a Kiggans aide granted anonymity to speak about internal deliberations. The aide also called it a “starting point” and a “best-case scenario” as this group of Republicans and nearly two dozen others go up against hard-liners who want a full repeal of the suite of clean energy tax credits codified by the Inflation Reduction Act, which President Donald Trump likes to call the “Green New Scam.”

Every vote counts for Speaker Mike Johnson as he seeks to pass a hyperpartisan bill through his razor-thin Republican majority, giving members an inordinate amount of power to make demands. A major question, however, is how far Republicans are willing to go in expending political capital to defend the energy incentives.

There are other priorities Republicans are fighting for, too, and they could take precedence — for instance, there’s overlap among the lawmakers who want to protect the tax credits and those who are simultaneously locked in a fierce battle to increase the income tax deduction for state and local taxes.

“I’m much more passionate about SALT; it is a hill I’m willing to stake my entire congressional career on,” said Rep. Nick LaLota (R-N.Y.). Asked whether that applied to clean energy incentives, too, he said, “No.”

“I’m interested in them; I don’t think we should throw out the entire IRA,” LaLota said. “There are provisions in it which I think are good for the country, are good for my constituents. But I am all in on SALT.”