Just hours into his second presidency, Donald Trump was already bulldozing congressional Republicans.
He granted clemency to some 1,500 Jan. 6 offenders, some of them convicted of violent assaults. He flouted a bipartisan TikTok ban, ordering it to remain unenforced. And he moved to cancel some of his predecessor’s energy programs over the pleadings of some in the GOP who wanted him to wait — to name just a few of the ways he undercut members of his own party.
A day later, it was as if a switch had been flipped.
In a meeting Tuesday with top GOP leaders, he didn’t move to settle key strategic disputes over raising the debt limit and passing the party’s big domestic policy package. Top leaders from the House and Senate left the White House and gave reporters completely contradictory accounts of how his agenda would be passed.
In other words, Trump is already showing his split-screen approach to congressional relations — one that, so far, is more concerned with using his political muscle to perform acts of dominance than to settle the intramural disputes that are holding up his agenda.
The past two days underscore how Trump and his team view Capitol Hill, informed by his previous four years in office, and the four subsequent years he spent climbing back: Republicans will eventually fall in line with whatever he wants, they believe, so why hold back?
“The sooner these guys recognize that it’s the president that kept their House majority and their Senate majority, and the sooner they realize it’s the president that has the will of the people — not them — the sooner they will be able to live a productive life,” one Trump insider granted anonymity to discuss relations with Congress told me recently.
“At the end of the day, he’s the one with the mandate, and they know it,” said another.
There was immediate evidence that such a read is absolutely correct.
Faced with questions about Trump’s Jan. 6 pardons, most GOP lawmakers opted for a delicate tap dance. Many deflected attention to predecessor Joe Biden’s pardons of family members. Others quickly dusted off the old first-term playbook: I didn’t see the tweet/comment/executive order.
“I haven’t seen the list,“ Speaker Mike Johnson told my colleague Meredith Lee Hill. “I haven’t had a chance to evaluate it.”
And when Trump essentially flipped them the bird on TikTok — putting off dealing with something they’ve described for years as a major national security issue — nary a squawk was heard. Johnson and Senate Intelligence Chair Tom Cotton (R-Ark.) spoke out Sunday to reiterate their support for the nine-month-old ban, only to be neutered a day later.
Same goes for Trump’s first-day decision to gut Biden’s electric vehicle mandates. Hill leaders wanted to repeal it themselves so they could book the savings and use them to offset the cost of tax cuts. Trump bullied forward anyway.
He even burned political capital on a molehill of a mountain: re-renaming Denali to Mount McKinley over the objections of Alaska Sens. Lisa Murkowski and Dan Sullivan.
A more traditional politician might consider it risky to wildly alienate members of your own party (especially a known swing vote like Murkowski) when much of your agenda requires congressional approval — doubly so when you have a House majority even narrower than in the Senate.
Not so for Trump, obviously. Yet the alpha-male power plays suddenly evaporate when it comes to settling disputes among Republicans about his own agenda.
The chambers remain on diverging paths when it comes to passing border, energy and tax measures, with the House pushing one vote on one massive bill while the Senate wants to split it in two. Same for the debt limit: Include it in a party-line budget reconciliation bill? Or cut a deal with Democrats?
Some Republicans were hoping Trump would use his audience with Hill leaders at the White House on Tuesday to crack the whip on those questions and others. That doesn’t seem to have happened: One senior Republican aide we spoke to afterward couldn’t hide his disappointment; Trump continued to waffle rather than provide clarity.
That’s despite complaining in the meeting, as he often does, about how Democrats always stick together and Republicans instead bicker and fracture. He insisted on unity but didn’t do much to facilitate it.
Which is partly why Trump’s whatever-I-want posture early on is raising so many eyebrows among some Republicans. The president, they believe, will have to spend some of the political capital he seems intent on burning now to get his agenda passed later.
A key test is at hand, with some of Trump’s most controversial nominees headed toward confirmation votes that will force some Senate Republicans to eat a “shit sandwich,” as one Republican aide told me on Inauguration Day.
Pete Hegseth, his pick for Pentagon chief, is teed up for a vote within days despite a late-breaking report that he’d made an ex-wife “fear for her safety.” (The woman denied she’d been physically abused.) And many senators remain uncomfortable with his choice of Tulsi Gabbard for director of national intelligence, with her isolationist views and policy flipflops.
They haven’t even gotten yet to his plans for tariffs — not only on China but allies like Mexico and Canada — potential levies that have given traditional pro-business Republicans heartburn for months.
If Republicans fall in line behind Hegseth, Gabbard and tariffs — as most now expect — it will be proof positive that Trump’s steamroller approach is working.
“From his end, he’s doing what he said he would do, so this notion that we’re going to have any ability to stop him from doing what he feels is right is laughable,” said one senior GOP aide. “It’s just not happening.”
So who cares if he isn’t sweating the small stuff?
