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Three years ago, Vice President Kamala Harris gave a pitch for the Biden administration’s Build Back Better agenda by highlighting ambitions to use federal dollars to make life easier for caregivers.

“For far too long, investments in care have dropped to the bottom of the priority list,” she said in a virtual town hall in October 2021. “It is time to make corporations pay their fair share and pass our agenda, because care cannot wait.”

As history would have it, those items did drop off the priority list and weren’t included in Democratic legislation that boosted clean energy and aimed to reduce prescription drug prices.

But with Harris’ late entry into the presidential race, that vision has been given a sudden bolt of electricity, and her 2021 pitch is a window into her potential economic agenda if she inherits the Oval Office.

“I think she will prioritize these issues in a more authentic and enthusiastic way than we’ve seen before,” said Vicki Shabo, a longtime care policy advocate at the left-leaning think tank New America.

This has the potential to set Harris apart from President Joe Biden in an important way. Biden focused his campaign efforts on convincing people that the economy is doing well, pointing to low unemployment and rising wages. But he spent little time at all talking about what else needs to be done over the next four years, even as he acknowledged that an affordability crisis is still weighing on people.

Notably, neither Biden nor Donald Trump ever answered a question about what they’d do to make child care more affordable in the disastrous debate that ultimately ended the latter’s presidential run.

That’s not to say the White House didn’t have plans of what they’d like to do — not just on care issues, but also in other areas like housing and universal pre-K. But very few voters were going to scroll through the president’s proposed budget to find it.

While the vice president hasn’t been a leading voice on economic issues, she’s consistently supported paid family and medical leave from her earliest days in the Senate.

She’s also advocated for more funding for child care facilities and been a vocal proponent of the administration’s push to enhance the child tax credit, after a pandemic-era expansion led to a dramatic reduction in child poverty. In her first appearances since her candidacy began on Sunday, she made reference to all of these policies, including in a pitch to teachers.

These are all parts of boosting what the Biden administration calls “the care economy,” which refers to the labor — often unpaid — done by people taking care of vulnerable populations like children or the elderly.

While any initiative faces long odds of clearing Congress — particularly while the politics of inflation puts greater pressure on elected officials to offset the cost of new spending with higher taxes on at least some portion of the electorate — it’s worth noting: Having someone in the White House with a penchant for these issues could shake up the politics and give them a fighting chance of being enacted.

There is a macroeconomic pitch to making child care more affordable. According to an annual survey conducted by the Federal Reserve, nearly 40 percent of unemployed mothers in their prime working years said child care responsibilities contributed to their decision to not have a paying job — reducing the available supply of workers.

But Harris doesn’t tend to speak in macro terms.

And beyond specific positions she’s taken, it feels hard to extrapolate what her views on any given issue will be, since she’s never really articulated an overarching policy vision.

Allies of Harris say her style isn’t revamping the entire system but rather looking for targeted solutions to problems that people — particularly disadvantaged people — face.

It’s a stark contrast with Trump, who had and still has much more enthusiasm about economic policy than any other 21st century president and talks regularly about policies like putting 10 percent tariffs on all imported goods or lowering the corporate tax rate further.

Harris tends to gravitate toward issues that are more granular; she’s been a vocal player in the Biden administration’s policies that are aimed at helping minority-owned businesses get access to capital or that would eliminate medical debt from people’s credit scores.

“One of the questions she always comes back to is ‘Do these policies give people more freedom, choices, and ultimately autonomy over their own lives?’” Rohini Kosoglu, who previously served as domestic policy adviser to the vice president and as chief of staff to Harris when she was in the Senate, told me. “She is fighting for Americans to be empowered.”

Whatever her precise platform, Democrats and allies are hoping she’ll make a renewed effort to sell a forward-looking agenda for the economy.

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) agreed when I asked her about the Democrats’ economic messaging outside the House floor on Tuesday, ticking off three priorities immediately, which she called “the largest pain points”: health care, housing and child care.

“We really need to have a vision of the future,” she said. “And we need to talk about what we’re gonna do once the American people hand us the keys.”

Leaders on the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee are making a sweeping request for records as part of the panel’s investigation into the assassination attempt against former President Donald Trump.

Sens. Gary Peters (D-Mich.) and Rand Paul (R-Ky.) — the committee chair and ranking member, respectively — and Sens. Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.) and Ron Johnson (R-Wis.), who lead a key subcommittee, sent letters on Thursday to the Secret Service, FBI, Department of Homeland Security Office of Intelligence and Analysis, Beaver County District Attorney, Butler County District Attorney, Butler County Sheriff, Butler Township Police Department and Pennsylvania State Police.

The senators sent a lengthy list of requests to the Secret Service, which has been at the center of Congress’ questions about the shooting. That includes records or communications related to planning the security for the Trump rally, what resources the Secret Service dedicated to the rally and a timeline of officials’ actions in the lead up to and during that day. The senators also want information about any requests for additional protective sources for Trump since he left the White House in 2021.

From DHS and the FBI, the senators are asking for any intelligence related to the rally or broader threats against Trump, as well as the FBI’s assessment of security failures on July 13. They are asking state and local law enforcement agencies about their involvement at Trump’s Pennsylvania rally, any documents related to security planning and a timeline of their actions in the lead up to and during the shooting, among other requests.

The committee “has initiated a bipartisan investigation into how this attack was able to occur, what security, personnel, or other failures contributed to the attempt, and steps that must be taken to ensure any mistakes are avoided in the future,” the four senators wrote in the letters to the various agencies.

The Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee is one of several committees investigating the July 13 shooting. The panel is holding a joint hearing next week with the Senate Judiciary Committee on the assassination attempt.

House Republicans used their slim majority on Thursday to target Vice President Kamala Harris — and some Democrats backed the effort.

The House passed a resolution criticizing Harris for her work on the border in a 220-196 vote, an issue the GOP has identified as a key line of attack as the party pivots its election strategy to Harris.

Six Democrats voted for the resolution, which was spearheaded by GOP Conference Chair Elise Stefanik of New York, and no Republicans opposed it. Those Democratic “yea” votes were Reps. Jared Golden (Maine), Yadira Caraveo (Colo.) Don Davis (N.C.), Marie Gluesenkamp Perez (Wash.), Henry Cuellar (Texas) and Mary Peltola (Alaska).

Republicans already viewed border security as a wedge issue they could wield against vulnerable Democrats, pushing votes in the House that put those lawmakers in tough positions. But Republicans believe Harris’ work on the border earlier in President Joe Biden’s term — with the GOP labeling her the “border czar” — lends new credence to that line of attack.

“No matter what congressional district you go to, the number one issue facing Americans is Kamala Harris’ open border crisis,” Stefanik said on the floor. “The American people deserve elected officials who understand the gravity of the crisis at the border.”

Stefanik announced the measure almost immediately after Biden endorsed Harris to take his spot on the November ticket Sunday.

It’s one of the few proposals to go after Harris that has received wide backing in the House GOP. Conservatives have floated several other ideas, including trying to impeach Harris or launching a new sweeping investigation, but those would likely derail given centrist pushback. Some Republicans also still want Harris to invoke the 25th Amendment against Biden, but a measure calling on her to do so has been met with intraparty skepticism.

The resolution on Harris’ border role is purely symbolic and has no shot at getting taken up by the Democratic-controlled Senate.

Meanwhile, House Democrats accused Republicans of trying to “slander” Harris and criticized that GOP lawmakers changed some text of the original bill. Part of it initially said Harris was tapped “to serve as the administration’s border czar.” Republicans changed it to instead say that Harris “came to be known colloquially as the Biden administration’s ‘border czar.’”

“This is a non-binding resolution. This will never become law. … The idea that Kamala Harris was the border czar was invented by right-wing media,” said Rep. Jim McGovern (Mass.), the top Democrat on the Rules Committee.

The House voted unanimously on Wednesday night to create a bipartisan task force to investigate the assassination attempt against former President Donald Trump.

The 416-0 vote comes less than two weeks after a July 13 shooting that sent shock waves through Congress and the world, as a gunman was able to get on a roof roughly 150 yards from where Trump was speaking at a rally in western Pennsylvania.

The push to investigate the shooting and unanimous vote has marked an unusually cooperative high point in a chamber that has been increasingly marked by partisan battles in recent years — not to mention a heavy dose of GOP infighting over the past year-and-a-half. The resolution was passed under suspension on Wednesday night — meaning it required a higher, two-thirds threshold that requires buy-in from both sides of the aisle.

“The people of Butler and the people of the United States deserve answers,” said Rep. Mike Kelly (R-Pa.), who spearheaded the resolution and represents Butler, Pennsylvania, the site of the shooting. “The American people deserve to know, and we have the responsibility to find the answers for them.”

Rep. Jim McGovern (D-Mass.), the top Democrat on the Rules Committee, said that “there needs to be accountability,” and that the task force is needed “to investigate every aspect of what happened.”

The Wednesday vote came a day after Speaker Mike Johnson and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries announced they would form a bipartisan task force together — a joint statement that followed behind-the-scenes talks between the two House leaders.

House leadership is expected to name their members to the task force by the end of the week. The task force has to release its final report, including any legislative recommendations, by mid-December. The task force will be composed of seven Republicans and six Democrats, each chosen by their party’s respective leadership.

The task force comes as several congressional committees are also conducting investigations into the assassination attempt. FBI Director Christopher Wray testified before the House Judiciary Committee on Wednesday. While that appearance was scheduled before the shooting, the hours-long hearing was focused on the assassination attempt. Wray provided lawmakers several significant new details but said the bureau is still largely in the dark about the shooter’s motivation.

Meanwhile, the House Homeland Security Committee held its first hearing on the shooting on Tuesday, conducted a visit to the rally site on Monday and has requested a slew of records. The House Oversight Committee is also conducting an investigation and heard from then-Secret Service Director Kimberly Cheatle. Cheatle, who has been at the center of Congress’s ire after the shooting, abruptly resigned a day later.

But Johnson first indicated last week that he wanted to create a task force, which will have subpoena power, to focus the House’s investigative energies and make sure the probe stays tightly focused on the assassination attempt against Trump.

“It necessitates a … precise and quick action by the Congress,” Johnson told reporters this week. “The moment calls for something unique and different — we need to move quickly, we need to get the answers that the American people deserve.”

The decision to start the task force sparked behind the scenes jockeying, with members noting there was high interest in sitting on the high-profile panel.

Rep. David Joyce (R-Ohio) said that Johnson had indicated he wanted “serious” members for the panel. Oversight Chair James Comer (R-Ky.) separately said that he told Johnson that he did not want to be a member of the task force.

“What they’re looking for … was people with military experience, a security background,” Comer said. “I’m a financial guy.”

FBI Director Christopher Wray provided sweeping new details about the gunman who attempted to assassinate former President Donald Trump — but said law enforcement is still largely in the dark about his motives.

Testifying before the House Judiciary Committee on Wednesday — his first public appearance before Congress since the July 13 shooting — Wray revealed that the shooter, Thomas Crooks, googled details about Lee Harvey Oswald’s assassination of John F. Kennedy, used a drone near the rally site roughly two hours before Trump spoke, and bought the gun that he used in the attack from his father in October 2023.

Though Wray said Crooks had shown interest in political figures from both parties — and seemed to zero in on Trump a week before his rally in Butler, Pennsylvania — the FBI was unable to establish a clear motive even as it has conducted more than 400 interviews as part of its ongoing investigation.

“I think it’s fair to say that we don’t yet have a clear picture of his motive,” Wray told the committee.

Wray told the panel that he was “leaning in” to what information the FBI currently has in order to answer as many of their questions as possible, given the high interest among Congress and the public about the attack. Wray’s testimony comes two days after then-Secret Service Director Kimberly Cheatle appeared before the House Oversight Committee, frustrating lawmakers who felt like she avoided answering their questions. Cheatle resigned a day later.

It was the level of detail, and new information, that defined what was an uncharacteristically cordial hourslong hearing between the FBI director and some of his loudest critics within the House GOP conference.

“I appreciate you coming in. I appreciate you telling us things. I appreciate you guys going against essentially your normal policy of waiting until an investigation is done,” Rep. Kelly Armstrong (R-N.D.) said.

Wray on Wednesday revealed that while Crooks appeared interested in leaders of both political parties, the date of his Google search about how far away Oswald was from Kennedy, July 6, is the same day that the gunman appeared to zero in on Trump. It’s also the same day he registered to attend Trump’s rally in Butler.

FBI officials previously told lawmakers during a briefing last week that the gunman scouted out the site of Trump’s rally in advance, three people familiar with the call told POLITICO at the time.

Wray confirmed those visits to lawmakers on Wednesday and said Crooks went to a gun range the day before the July 13 rally and bought 50 rounds of ammunition just hours before the shooting.

He added that the FBI retrieved a drone and explosive devices from the gunman’s vehicle, and Crooks used the drone around 4 p.m. on July 13 roughly 200 yards away from where Trump spoke.

The FBI is conducting one of several investigations in the wake of the shooting. The bureau is focusing on the shooter, his motivations and whether he had any co-conspirators. So far, Wray stressed, there is no evidence to suggest anyone else was involved.

As part of its investigation, Wray said that the FBI had spoken to Crooks’ parents, who were cooperative, and had searched his home. He also described Crooks as more isolated than an average individual.

But there were limits to what Wray was able to tell the committee.

Throughout the hearing, lawmakers asked why Trump was allowed onto the stage in the first place. Wray responded that the FBI’s investigation wasn’t focused on actions by the Secret Service — those are under review in a slew of other probes, including ones from the Department of Homeland Security inspector general, a bipartisan, independent review ordered by President Joe Biden and several congressional committees.

Lawmakers also pressed Wray for details about the timeline of events on July 13, from the communications between various law enforcement agencies to how Crooks was able to fire off eight shots. (The FBI found eight cartridges on the roof where Crooks was positioned.)

“That is something we’re still digging into,” Wray said.

He also told lawmakers that the FBI’s current theory was that he got on the roof using “mechanical equipment on the ground” and climbed piping that was on the side of the building.

The hearing wasn’t totally without partisan fireworks. Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) quizzed Wray on gallows that were constructed near the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021 — sparking pushback from a Democratic colleague. And Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.) tried to get Wray to weigh in on the political debate over Biden’s mental acuity, asking his take based on the FBI director’s prior briefings with Biden.

“My briefings with the president have all been completely fine,” Wray said.

Trump, for his part, homed in on that interaction as a reason for Wray to resign.

“Director Wray should resign immediately from the FBI, and stop ‘sweet talking’ Congress every time he goes up, which he loves to do, because anybody can see that Joe Biden is cognitively and physically challenged,” Trump wrote in a Truth Social post on Wednesday.

Kyle Cheney contributed reporting. 

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu came to Capitol Hill on Wednesday with a rallying cry meant to appeal to Democrats and Republicans alike, but he showed little inclination toward a rethink of his much-criticized approach to the months-long conflict in Gaza.

Speaking to a joint meeting of Congress, the lightning rod prime minister offered words of praise to both President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump — while expressing outright defiance toward those critical of his approach to combating Hamas and suggesting he’ll continue to trust his instincts as he forges ahead.

“When we stand together, something very simple happens: we win, they lose,” he said.

Netanyahu heaped blame on the Islamist regime in Iran for many of the perils his country faces, sharply criticized U.S. protesters opposing the war, and spoke of a future Gaza that is “demilitarized and deradicalized.” He called for ongoing support from the United States, saying that Israel is on the frontlines of a battle against terrorism that affects American citizens.

But he chose words underscoring his desire to maintain solid relations with the U.S. regardless of which party controls the White House after the 2024 election. He thanked Biden for coming to Israel “to stand with us during our darkest hour, a visit that will never be forgotten.” And he thanked Trump for “all the things he did for Israel” during his first term in office.

Notably, Netanyahu did not mention Vice President Kamala Harris — the likely Democratic presidential nominee.

Netanyahu is set to meet with Biden and Harris on Thursday before visiting Trump in Florida on Friday.

It seems certain Netanyahu’s remarks won’t result in any major shifts in support — either among Republicans, who’ve staunchly backed his approach to the war, or many Democrats already fiercely angry over it.

“Netanyahu’s speech to Congress falls short, as have his actions since taking office, and I’m calling on him to resign immediately,” Rep. Jimmy Gomez (D-Calif.), who attended the speech, said afterward.

In a sign of the evolving politics around Israel, roughly half of congressional Democrats skipped the speech — and most of those who did attend dashed out of the chamber before Netanyahu had even departed. House Democratic leaders and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer stood at points throughout the remarks, but did not rise as frequently as others in their party.

During the speech, Netanyahu accused Hamas of smearing Israel in the media so that Israel will be “pressured to end the war before it’s won. This would enable Hamas to survive another day, and has been vowed to carry out Oct. 7 again and again and again,” he said.

Speaking to receptive lawmakers, Netanyahu made clear: “I want to assure you, no matter what pressure is brought to bear, I will never allow that to happen.”

While Netanyahu’s address is a major moment for Israel as it battles Hamas, it has also been overshadowed this week by the political tumult in the United States, with Biden having dropped out of the 2024 race just days earlier. The speech was likely to fall lower on people’s screens later Wednesday as Biden planned to make his first address to the nation since quitting the presidential race.

The speech marks Netanyahu’s fourth address to a joint meeting of Congress, the most of any foreign leader and a symbol of the tight U.S.-Israeli relationship. It also is arguably his most contentious one, not just due to frustration among Democrats over how he’s handled the war in Gaza but also lingering resentment over how he used his appearance in 2015 to attack then-President Barack Obama’s Iran policy.

These and other moves — especially his emphatic overtures to Trump — have led many Democrats to see Netanyahu as a pro-Republican Israeli leader. This perception has stuck despite his occasional preaching of the importance of having a good bipartisan relationship with Washington.

Netanyahu also spoke amid ongoing tensions between him and Biden over Israel’s conduct in the war, which has killed an estimated 39,000 Palestinians — a number that includes militants.

The Biden administration has been pressuring him to wind down the military operations against Hamas and agree to a cease-fire deal. (The U.S. also is pushing Hamas to stop fighting.) Netanyahu has at times defied the White House’s wishes, including its repeated requests that Israel allow in more humanitarian aid to Gaza.

Biden has not been forceful enough for many who feel the U.S. should be tougher with Israel over civilian casualties.

Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.), the lone Palestinian American in Congress, attended the speech and held up a sign that read “war criminal” on one side and “guilty of genocide” on the other at several points in the speech. A member of staff approached her and asked Tlaib to put it down, which she did.

Tensions were high outside of the Capitol as well. Thousands of protesters gathered outside barriers to bash the prime minister’s approach to the war in Gaza, while others released maggots and rang fire alarms at the hotel where the Israeli delegation stayed ahead of his address.

Netanyahu took aim at those protesters critical of him and his government during his remarks, saying “they should be ashamed of themselves” for standing alongside terrorists and that “when the tyrants of Tehran who hang gays from cranes and murder women for not covering their hair, are praising, promoting, and funding you, you have officially become Iran’s useful idiots.”

The Israeli leader received a warm reception from hundreds of the lawmakers who attended the speech, with many offering raucous applause and cheers throughout the address.

Netanyahu denied reports that Israel has blocked humanitarian assistance to the territory and targeted civilians.

“The heroic soldiers of Israel should not be condemned for how they’re conducting the war in Gaza. They should be commended for it,” Netanyahu said.

But many of Netanyahu’s assertions throughout the address, including his insistence that Israel has not restricted humanitarian aid, are heavily contested by aid organizations, the United Nations and others. They are often difficult to verify independently in part because Israel has severely restricted journalists’ access to Gaza.

The remarks in front of American lawmakers also come as Netanyahu struggles politically at home, with far-right ministers he needs to keep his government afloat often undermining him.

Netanyahu argued that when Israel is fighting the Iran-backed groups Hezbollah, the Houthis and Hamas, it is taking on a shared enemy.

“For decades, America has provided Israel with military assistance, Israel has reciprocated with intelligence that saved many lives, jointly developed some of the most sophisticated weapons on earth and helped keep American boots off ground while protecting shared interests,” he said.

The prime minister also nodded to his accusations that the U.S. is withholding arms for Israel. The Biden administration has paused a shipment of 2,000-pound bombs to Israel, over concerns about the possibility for civilian harm.

“Give us the tools faster, and we’ll finish the job faster,” he said.

Joe Gould contributed to this report.

Republicans seized immediately on images of burning U.S. flags and vandalism at Washington, D.C.’s Union Station following Benjamin Netanyahu’s speech as evidence of widespread antisemitism and a harbinger of what can happen under Democratic control of government.

“Pro-terror, anti-Israel agitators are vandalizing federal property, removing American flags, and replacing them with Palestinian flags steps away from the United States Capitol,” said Sen. John Barrasso (R-Wyo.), a member of Senate GOP leadership, on X. “This is inexcusable, and I expect them to be prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law.”

“Hamas flags, slogans about killing Jews, harassment of @CapitolPolice officers, vandalism, burnt American flags, & hanged effigies of PM Netanyahu. These are just some of the appalling scenes at protests around the U.S. Capitol today,” wrote Rep. Michael McCaul (R-Texas), chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee.

McCaul added: “This vitriolic behavior goes beyond peaceful protests and free speech. It will only further incite violence. Our nation’s leaders on both sides of the aisle must fully denounce this ugly, pro-Hamas extremism and make clear that antisemitism has no place in America.”

The U.S. Capitol Police said in a statement that “no flags under our protection have been removed or vandalized” though non-Capitol Police officers were seen making mass arrests near Union Station after the speech.

Other GOP lawmakers tried to tie the protests and vandalism — without evidence — to Vice President Kamala Harris, the likely Democratic nominee for president.

“The people Kamala Harris is courting burn the American Flag,” wrote Rep. Brian Mast (R-Fla.). “Shame on them.”

However, it wasn’t just Republicans criticizing the protesters.

“I never imagined seeing the flag of a terror group holding eight Americans hostage for 292 days waved in the streets of our nation’s Capitol,” Rep. Dean Phillips (D-Minn.) wrote alongside an image of a protester waving the Hamas flag.

“The Jew hate and anti-American garbage coming out of college campuses this spring didn’t end with the last day of school,” wrote Rep. Jake Auchincloss (D-Mass). “College presidents, you’re on notice: Enforce your codes of conduct from day one of the fall semester.”

Amid speculation he’s on Vice President Kamala Harris’ shortlist for a running mate, Sen. Mark Kelly’s (D-Ariz.) spokesperson said he will support a piece of pro-labor legislation.

Kelly did not co-sponsor the legislation known as the PRO Act, provoking the ire of some progressives and labor unions. It was unclear whether it was a red line for organized labor for him to be considered as Harris’ vice president.

The PRO Act would make the process of creating unions or signing onto unions much easier for workers. A person familiar with his thinking, granted anonymity to discuss internal conversations, told POLITICO that even though he hadn’t co-sponsored the legislation, he was going to support it if there was a vote.

The legislation had already been co-sponsored by most of the Senate Democratic Caucus and passed the then Democratic-controlled House last Congress.

Kelly’s lack of support for the PRO Act raised concerns within organized labor circles, though many differed on how much to hold it against him.

“I think he would have to at least talk to labor leaders about his position,” one union president told POLITICO on Wednesday before Kelly clarified his stance. “That’s the only red flag.”

Kelly is the only member of Congress being seriously considered for the role, for now.

Nick Niedzwiadek contributed to this report.

SAN FRANCISCO — Former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi has endorsed San Francisco Supervisor Dean Preston, a progressive lightning rod, as he faces a tough reelection challenge in a local race that has drawn the attention of other national figures from Elon Musk to Bernie Sanders.

The endorsement comes as Preston, a member of the Democratic Socialists of America, has faced an onslaught of attacks from political advocacy groups, bankrolled by tech investors, who are critical of his opposition to tough-on-crime policies. Those groups are spending heavily to back Bilal Mahmood, a moderate Democrat, tech entrepreneur and former Obama administration staffer.

Last fall, Preston gained national attention after billionaire provocateur Musk called for his imprisonment for supporting an ordinance to prohibit security guards from using firearms to prevent theft. Musk also suggested he would spend $100,000 to defeat Preston. It’s unclear if he has spent any money on the race.

Pelosi’s camp exclusively confirmed to POLITICO that she has endorsed Preston and will vote for him Wednesday night, when the County Democratic Party’s central committee makes its picks in local races. San Francisco’s supervisors are equivalent to city council members, shaping local policy and the budget. The post has long been a launching pad for the state’s political up-and-comers who’ve risen to greater prominence, including the late Sen. Dianne Feinstein, Gov. Gavin Newsom and state Sen. Scott Wiener.

“This is a powerful endorsement from one of San Francisco’s most powerful leaders, and I look forward to working with Speaker Emerita Pelosi in our united effort to defeat Donald Trump,” Preston said in a statement.

Preston represents a deeply liberal district that includes the Haight Ashbury, Fillmore, Japantown, Hayes Valley and Tenderloin neighborhoods. His other opponents in the November election include activists Autumn Looijen and Allen Jones.

Pelosi, generally a moderate Democrat by San Francisco standards, has a long pattern of endorsing incumbents from both the party’s more progressive and centrist wings.

It’s a balancing act Pelosi has continued even as moderate-backed candidates have swept a host of local races by seizing on voters’ frustrations over homeless encampments, record drug overdose deaths and rampant retail theft. Mahmood — Preston’s main challenger — is part of a slate of moderate Democrats who recently won control of the county party.

Nevertheless, Pelosi’s endorsement is a stinging rebuke for moderate groups who’ve spent heavily to try to defeat Preston and support Mahmood.

The supervisor’s race could provide a bellwether for political observers watching if San Francisco’s pivot to the right continues. In the March primary, voters passed several tough-on-crime measures, including a proposal to require drug screening for local welfare recipients.

Mahmood has disavowed Musk and said he hasn’t received any money from him in the race. He has tried to portray himself as a more pragmatic Democrat.

Musk, who recently vowed to move some of his companies’ operations out of San Francisco, posted on X last fall that Preston “should go to prison.”

Preston has called Musk a “billionaire fascist” and vowed to no longer use X, the billionaire’s company formerly known as Twitter. Soon after, Vermont Sen. Sanders, a fellow Democratic socialist, endorsed Preston and urged progressives across the country to support him.