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Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) weighed in Sunday on the feud between Donald Trump and Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp, urging the Republicans to “repair the damage” and focus on winning the key swing state.

“Georgia is there for the taking. I think Gov. Kemp was a great governor, lowering taxes, less regulation. I think if you voted for Kemp and you want to vote for Harris, that makes no sense,” Graham told host Jacqui Heinrich on “Fox News Sunday.” “If we win, we’re going to go well on our way to winning 270 electoral votes. If we lose Georgia, it could be a very long night.”

On Saturday, Trump launched a series of personal attacks against Kemp on social media and during his campaign rally in Atlanta, calling the popular GOP governor a “bad guy,” “disloyal” and “very average governor.” He accused Kemp of interfering with his efforts to win in Georgia, echoing some of the claims central to his criminal indictment in Fulton County over his attempts to subvert the 2020 election results.

Kemp hit back at Trump in a post on X but stopped short of rescinding his support for the former president, who in 2018 endorsed the then-candidate for governor but in 2022 backed Kemp primary challenger David Perdue.

The weekend exchange revitalized Trump’s long-standing frustrations with Kemp for refusing to cooperate in his efforts to overturn his loss in Georgia and left some Republicans worried about his uncertain prospects in the battleground state.

Graham directed his message on Sunday directly to Trump, praising him for what he described as an “incredible presidency” for the nation and Georgia while reminding the Republican nominee of the party’s central goal in November.

“Mr. President, this is your election to lose. It’s important you win to reset a broken border and get the world in good order,” Graham said. “Let’s win this election, how about that? Let’s win an election we can’t afford to lose.”

Though he was not indicted, the South Carolina senator was one of many Trump allies for which a special grand jury had recommended criminal indictments as part of the racketeering charges brought against the former president and 18 alleged co-conspirators in 2023. After the 2020 election, Graham called Georgia state officials amid an ongoing recount of votes in the state. He tried to block a subpoena from Atlanta-area prosecutors by taking his challenge to the Supreme Court, although the justices denied his bid and he ended up testifying before the special grand jury.

Since President Joe Biden dropped out of the race, polls have shown Trump’s lead diminishing nationally and in battleground states. Harris’ stronger numbers among Black and Latino voters could help prop her up in the Sun Belt, including in Georgia. Days before Trump’s rally in Atlanta, Harris rallied her supporters at the same venue with a crowd her campaign estimated at 10,000.

Also touching on Trump and Kemp’s spat, Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.) told CBS’ “Face the Nation” on Sunday that most of Trump’s speech Saturday went after Vice President Kamala Harris, not Kemp.

“So obviously they have their differences, but we’re all united in our need to stop Kamala Harris,” Cotton said of Trump and Kemp.

Rep. Byron Donalds told ABC host George Stephanopoulos it didn’t matter that Republican nominee Donald Trump challenged Vice President Kamala Harris’ racial identity even as he repeatedly veered into that territory himself.

In a contentious interview on ABC’s “This Week,” the Florida Republican went back and forth with Stephanopoulos over Trump’s remarks in recent days, with the two interrupting and scolding each other multiple times.

“This is really a phony controversy,” Donalds said. “I don’t really care, most people don’t, but if we’re going to be accurate, when Kamala Harris went into the United States Senate, it was AP that said she was the Indian-American United States senator. It was actually played up a lot,” citing the Associated Press.

Stephanopoulos pushed back.

“And you just repeated the slur again. If it doesn’t matter,” Stephanopoulos asked Donalds, “why do you all keep questioning her identity? She’s always identified as a black woman. She is biracial. She has a Jamaican father and Indian mother. She’s always identified as both. Why are you questioning that?”

Donalds, a very vocal Trump loyalist, retorted that it was a hot topic on “social media.”

“There are a lot of people who are trying to figure this out, but again, that’s a side issue, not the main issue,” Donalds said, at which point Stephanopoulos interrupted and said amid cross-talk, “You just did it again. Why do you insist on questioning her racial identity?”

Donalds said most of Trump’s speech Saturday was not actually about Harris’ racial identity, after which Stephanpoulos asked him if it was OK if Trump was only “questioning someone’s racial identity for a couple minutes.”

The Florida Republican then returned to criticizing Harris’ overall record and again cited an AP headline about Harris from when she was elected to the Senate from California in 2016.

Stephanopoulos pushed back again, asking why he kept repeating the same thing; Donalds retorted that it was the ABC host who kept bringing the issue up, leading to more cross-talk.

“Every single time you repeat the slur,” Stephanopoulos countered. “That’s exactly my point.”

On Wednesday, speaking at a National Association of Black Journalists conference in Chicago, Trump suggested that Harris had only recently become Black, presumably out of political convenience.

“She was always of Indian heritage, and she was only promoting Indian heritage. I didn’t know she was Black until a number of years ago when she happened to turn Black and now, she wants to be known as Black,” Trump said to ABC’s Rachel Scott at the NABJ. “So I don’t know: Is she Indian or is she Black?”

The Associated Press in November 2016 wrote of Harris: “Harris will enter the chamber as the first Indian woman elected to a Senate seat and the second black woman, following Carol Moseley Braun, who served a single term after being elected in 1992,” referencing the former Illinois senator. Different news organizations ran the story under different headlines, as is typical with wire-service articles.

Responding to the Donalds interview on ABC, former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, a Republican who has been highly critical of Trump in recent years, said the former president’s attacks on Harris reflect “impulse” as opposed to a thought-out political strategy.

“You can’t imagine that anybody who understands anything about politics would say, hey, here’s a great idea: Go to the National Association of Black Journalists and question whether Kamala is really black or not,” he said during a panel discussion with Stephanopoulos and longtime Democratic strategist Donna Brazile.

Christie, who ran against Trump in the 2016 and 2024 GOP primaries, said that Trump’s rhetoric reflects panic on his part and also cited his attacks Saturday on Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp and first lady Marty Kemp.

“This is who he is, George. This is personal. He’s juvenile,” Christie said.

The Senate blocked a once-promising $78 billion tax package on Thursday in the chamber’s last vote before lawmakers headed out of Washington for August recess.

The bill went down in a vote of 44-48, with the vast majority of Republicans, one Democrat and two independent voting against a procedural motion to limit debate on the package, which includes an expansion of family tax credits and would revive a trio of lapsed business breaks. It would have required 60 votes in favor to succeed.

The vote came a full six months after the House passed the legislation by an overwhelming bipartisan vote of 357-70 — and greatly reduces any chance that Congress will put together any major tax legislation before lawmakers have to reckon with the expiration of the trillions of dollars of the Trump tax cuts in 2025.

It also came amid a heated national debate over family policy stoked by controversial comments that Sen. JD Vance (R-Ohio), Donald Trump’s vice presidential running mate, made in the past that denigrated Democrats who don’t have children. Vance, who was absent for the vote on the legislation, has said his comments were taken out of context.

Though the vote will give Senate Democrats fodder in their campaigns to preserve their slim majority in the chamber, as Majority Leader Chuck Schumer suggested several times in his remarks leading up to the vote.

“Sixteen million kids will be worse off and half a million will remain in poverty because Senate Republicans decided they’d rather wait around and hope Trump wins in November than take a bipartisan victory today,” said Finance Chair Ron Wyden (D-Ore.), a prime negotiator of the package, in a statement after the vote.

Republicans derided Democrats in equal measure for their motives.

“With election politics front of mind, doomed-to-fail ‘show votes’ have become an all too frequent occurrence in this chamber,” said the Senate’s top GOP tax writer, Mike Crapo of Idaho. “But there is no more obvious ‘show vote’ than the one scheduled to happen today, immediately before August recess.”

Three Republicans, Sens. Markwayne Mullin (R-Olka.), Rick Scott (R-Fla.) and Josh Hawley (R-Mo.), ended up voting for the procedural motion.

Meanwhile, Sens. Bernie Sanders (I-V.t.) and Joe Manchin (I-W.Va.) broke with Democrats to vote against the motion.

Sanders argued that the package would provide at least three times as many benefits for corporations as families in a release after the vote explaining his decision. Manchin has previously expressed concerns that the child credit provisions would disincentivize work.

At the end of the vote, Schumer changed his vote from a “yes” to a “no” to allow the legislation to be reconsidered at a later date.

The package included an expansion of the Child Tax Credit, larger tax credits for affordable housing and a restoration of business tax provisions that would have allowed for more generous deductions for equipment, interest costs and research and development activities.

Wyden and House Ways and Means Chair Jason Smith (R-Mo.), the tax chiefs who crafted the package, proposed paying for it by cracking down on a pandemic-era tax credit for businesses that has been rife with fraud.

The legislation once appeared to have a brighter future, having garnered 169 votes from members of the fractious House Republican majority.

Democrats have long wanted to bring back the American Rescue Plan’s version of the expanded Child Tax Credit, which provided families with monthly checks and slashed child poverty nearly in half in 2021.

They said they wouldn’t help Republicans restore business deductions, which were curtailed to help pay for the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, without also bringing back the expanded CTC.

Making the ARPA version permanent would also be expensive, coming in at around $1.3 trillion over 10 years, according to one 10-year estimate by the Joint Committee on Taxation.

What Democrats ended up getting amounted to much less: a roughly $33 billion expansion that allowed low-income, larger families to get more of the credit and a slight bump in the “refundable” portion.

The structure of the child credit allowed Smith to sell it to a Republican caucus that is otherwise extremely wary of such tax benefits, since many GOP lawmakers believe they disincentivize work. And supportive Democrats pointed to estimates, produced by the left-learning Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, that the expansion would still benefit around 16 million children in low-income households in its first year of enactment.

Smith also tacked on a popular disaster relief bill by Rep. Greg Steube (R-Fla.), which would have provided tax benefits for victims of wildfires, hurricanes and other natural disasters in 45 states.

In the end, Senate GOP tax writers had a litany of complaints about the package that proved insurmountable. They voiced concerns that they didn’t get their own committee mark-up of the legislation, that it had a fake “pay-for,” and that the CTC provisions would create new welfare programs or exacerbate inflation.

Several Republican senators admitted that electoral politics also had a hand in the bill’s defeat.

House Republicans “thought they had a plan that would be a good step forward at that time. But with everything going on during an election year, I think that time of that possibly moving forward has passed,” Sen. Mike Rounds (R-S.D.) told POLITICO.

Democratic Sen. Sherrod Brown holds a 4-point lead over his GOP opponent in Ohio, according to a new poll out Thursday morning. But the details underscore just how challenging it will be for the vulnerable Democrat to overcome his state’s Republican lean to clinch a fourth term.

The poll, commissioned by AARP and conducted by the bipartisan team of Impact Research (D) and Fabrizio Ward (R), shows Brown leading Republican nominee Bernie Moreno, 46 percent to 42 percent, with 12 percent choosing another candidate or undecided. But the same poll gives former President Donald Trump a 9-point lead over Vice President Kamala Harris in the presidential race, 48 percent to 39 percent.

So how is Brown outrunning the top of the ticket? He has a double-digit lead among independents and is winning 14 percent of Republicans — while Harris is tied with Trump among independents and captures only 7 percent of Republicans.

That’s likely the kind of overperformance he’ll need to beat Moreno in Ohio, which has fallen off the Electoral College battlefield after Trump’s back-to-back 8-point victories there in 2016 and 2020. But only GOP Sen. Susan Collins of Maine has managed to win a Senate race in a state where her party’s presidential nominee lost over the past two presidential cycles, so Brown’s numbers could be difficult to sustain.

The powerful House Freedom Caucus is wrangling with a worsening identity crisis — one that could soon redefine the group’s alignment with former President Donald Trump.

Generally, the divisions lie between the Tea Party-aligned old guard, focused more on conservative principles, and the more populist MAGA-friendly members. It’s a debate that has persisted in the notoriously private group for a while, but its fights are increasingly spilling into the open.

Members have had multiple public rifts over the past year — including ugly personal feuds stemming from the likely primary defeat of Freedom Caucus Chair Bob Good (R-Va.). There’s also been near-constant tension over the past year due to votes to boot members, the ouster of former Speaker Kevin McCarthy, spending disputes and hardball floor tactics.

Six Freedom Caucus members expressed to POLITICO that the group needs new leadership as soon as possible in order to move forward, particularly as they prepare for spending fights and a potential Trump takeover next year. But that discussion has also divided the caucus, as members lobby for leadership that suits their distinct visions of the group’s future.

“There’ll be a number of people that would consider it,” Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.) said about the race to succeed Good. And he acknowledged friction within the group: “Have there been disagreements? Yes. Will there be disagreements in the future? Yes, but I don’t look at that as a bad thing.”

Good is facing a recount in his primary on Thursday, a race he officially lost by about 400 votes after Trump endorsed his opponent. If the recount upholds his defeat, as expected, Good told POLITICO that he would resign immediately as chair. It would mark both the first time the group has faced a vacancy atop its ranks during a presidential election year and the first time its chair has been ousted in a primary.

The group is likely to use the six-week summer break to strategize, according to three members, and is not expected to make a formal decision about new leadership until the House returns in early September. That would mark the first time they’re able to meet in person as a group since Thursday’s recount.

Some members have discussed allowing a former chair, like Reps. Scott Perry (R-Pa.) or Andy Biggs (R-Ariz.), to temporarily fill the seat until next year. While installing a chair emeritus would give members more time to decide on a long-term replacement, some argue this process is not within the Freedom Caucus’ bylaws — though they are in largely uncharted territory.

The other option is having the Freedom Caucus board move to recommend a new chair as soon as September, likely installing that person for the rest of Good’s term, which runs through the end of next year. But the split over the potential candidates runs deep, particularly with a possible second Trump term looming in January.

Among the names most frequently mentioned: Reps. Andy Ogles (R-Tenn.), Chip Roy (R-Texas) or Andy Harris (R-Md.).

Some members want to align the group closer to Trump, particularly after some felt like they were in an awkward spot when the ex-president endorsed Good’s primary opponent, John McGuire. Those members hope that a second Trump administration could help focus the disparate factions within the Freedom Caucus — which has managed to be a headache for Republican leadership this term not because of their unity, but due to the GOP’s incredibly thin majority.

“I think under a Trump administration, especially with so many of us being close to Trump, that gives us a great opportunity to further shape policy,” Ogles, who has expressed interest in serving as the next chair, said in a brief interview.

Ogles, who is on the group’s board, told POLITICO that he privately reached out to every member of the caucus amid the dustup between Good and Rep. Warren Davidson (R-Ohio), which ultimately led to the latter’s ouster. Ogles said that, in his capacity as a board member he “checked with them, made sure they are OK, what concerns do they have, as we continue to stay together as a team and build the team going forward.”

That sparked chatter that Ogles is eyeing the top HFC spot, but Ogles is also facing his own difficult primary challenge. And there’s skepticism among a swath of Freedom Caucus members about giving their top spot to someone who is currently serving their first term.

Roy’s name also frequently comes up as someone who could serve in the top spot, but he could stir up concerns with members who would rather bear hug Trump. Roy has stoked the former president’s ire multiple times — voting to certify the 2020 election and, like Good, initially endorsing Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis for president.

Two Freedom Caucus members, granted anonymity to speak candidly, said that it was fair to raise Roy’s support for DeSantis as they weigh the Texas Republican as a potential next chair. Others who back Roy have also questioned if he actually wants the job, noting that he is a good fit in his current role as policy director.

“That’s not something I’m going to talk about. What we’re going to figure out is what’s best going forward. We’re all committed to the mission. Every organization — they go through some differences of opinion,” Roy said, when asked about running for chair.

Harris is also viewed as a potential Good successor. The Maryland Republican, who was first elected in 2010, aligns more closely with the group’s other fiscal hawks in the Tea Party-aligned wing, and Freedom Caucus members say he expressed interest in the top spot in 2023 before Good was ultimately elected.

The group has increasingly split over what its fiscal strategy should be, with some arguing that they overplayed their hand in this Congress’ government funding fights. And next year, if Trump takes the White House, leadership could play a key role in how much the group embraces Trump policies — particularly if he pushes efforts that would raise spending again.

But it’s the group’s fraught relationship with Trump that has gotten the spotlight under Good’s stewardship. When members of the group took a trip to Trump’s trial in New York earlier this year, normally chatty Freedom Caucus Republicans refused to talk about it. They were concerned they would face backlash from Trump and his supporters if the House voting schedule forced them to back out.

Critically, concerns about the group’s future also extend to their own elections. Republicans have raised private concerns that the group’s campaign arm has lagged in fundraising, meaning it has less bandwidth to protect vulnerable incumbents.

Then there are the internal feuds about membership. In addition to Davidson, at least three other members have been ousted in the past two years: Retired Rep. Ken Buck (R-Colo.), Rep. Randy Weber (R-Texas) and Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.). Greene’s ouster was during Perry’s tenure.

Rep. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio), a co-founder of the group, has argued that he wants Davidson, who is a close ally, back in the Freedom Caucus. The 16-13 vote to boot him in July sparked bad blood between multiple members, as some claimed that Good’s allies had forced a vote when some of Davidson’s supporters were missing and had bent the group’s rules.

“My concern is that I don’t think we should be kicking people out. I’ve been clear about that,” Jordan said in a brief interview.

Davidson didn’t directly wave off rejoining the Freedom Caucus but quipped: “It’s tough to be in a group where half the people don’t really want you.”

Acting Secret Service Director Ronald Rowe Jr. on Tuesday wanted to talk about how other law enforcement agencies failed in the run-up to the assassination attempt on former President Donald Trump. Senators aren’t done focusing on the Secret Service.

Rowe, while again acknowledging the Secret Service made catastrophic errors, repeatedly raised his voice as he vowed to prevent his agency’s leaders from being “unfairly persecuted” in a joint Senate committee hearing Tuesday. And he laid some blame specifically at the feet of local law enforcement agencies who were working with the Secret Service at Trump’s Butler, Pennsylvania rally — saying their decisions left an inexplicable blind spot that the shooter exploited.

However, Rowe’s umbrage — a stark contrast to his more muted predecessor, Kimberly Cheatle, who resigned after a disastrous appearance before a congressional panel — may not have landed with senators, who repeatedly clashed with the new head and said the agency was still falling short.

“We assumed that the state and locals had it,” Rowe told the committee. “We made an assumption.”

Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas) replied: “Those assumptions can be lethal.”

Rowe even brought his own graphics to underscore how little Secret Service snipers positioned around Trump could see of the shooter while he was lying prone on the rooftop 150 yards away. He noted repeatedly that if local police had remained at their posts, all they had to do was “look left” and they would have seen him. The message was clear, despite occasional emphasis on the crucial partnership the Secret Service shares with local police departments.

Rowe added that the Secret Service sniper who took the shot that killed the shooter was his “friend” and was not personally responsible for the lapse. That sparked pushback from Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.): “We can’t let our friendships blind us from responsibility.”

While Rowe didn’t face calls to resign, Republicans on the Senate Judiciary and Homeland Security committees repeatedly asked him to identify precisely which officials failed by allowing Trump to take the stage that day and who left the rooftop unguarded. His refusal to do so ignited fierce blowback.

Rowe said the Office of Professional Responsibility is reviewing actions taken in the lead up to and during the rally — but repeatedly declined to get ahead of those reviews.

“Somebody has got to be fired. Nothing is going to change until somebody loses their job,” Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) told Rowe during the hearing.

Rowe’s repeated clashes with the panel overshadowed the presence of FBI Deputy Director Paul Abbate, who was rarely called upon during the hearing but did reveal that the bureau had discovered a social media account — possibly connected to the shooter — that espoused antisemitic and anti-immigrant views.

The hearing was punctuated by a particularly tense clash between Rowe and Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.), who pressed him once again to identify people who should be fired for failing to protect Trump and his rallygoers.

“What more do you need to know?” Hawley said when Rowe resisted.

“What I need to know is exactly what happened. … I cannot put my thumb on the scale,” Rowe replied. “You’re asking me, senator, to completely make a rush to judgment.”

“People will be held accountable and I will do so with integrity and not rush to judgment,” Rowe continued, “and [make] people unfairly persecuted.”

“Unfairly persecuted?” Hawley responded, raising his voice. “People are dead.”

Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) hit her party’s own vice presidential nominee, Sen. JD Vance (R-Ohio), for what she called “offensive” comments about “childless cat ladies.”

“If the Republican Party is trying to trying to improve its image with women, I don’t think that this is working,” Murkowski told POLITICO, calling Vance’s comments unfortunate, unnecessary and “offensive to many women.”

“To be so derogatory in this way is offensive to me as a woman,” she added.

Democrats have excoriated Vance over 2021 remarks, when he said the Democratic Party was being run by “a bunch of childless cat ladies who are miserable at their own lives and the choices that they’ve made, and so they want to make the rest of the country miserable, too.”

As for Senate Republicans, they have mostly stuck by Vance after his tough week, but advised him to choose his words more carefully.

Murkowski often breaks with her party and has said she won’t vote for Republican nominee Donald Trump. Other Senate Republicans criticized Vance’s choice of words as a mistake, but largely moved past them.

FBI Deputy Director Paul Abbate said on Tuesday that there was “no doubt” that former President Donald Trump was struck in the ear with a bullet during an assassination attempt at his July 13 rally.

“There is absolutely no doubt in the FBI’s mind whether former President Trump was hit with a bullet and wounded in the ear. No doubt, there never has been,” Abbate said when Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.) asked if Trump was hit with a bullet.

FBI Director Christopher Wray sparked GOP fury last week when he said that there were “some” questions about whether Trump was hit in the ear by a bullet or shrapnel. Wray did not question whether July 13 was an assassination attempt, and he did not dispute that Trump was injured. But Trump lashed out at Wray on Truth Social after the comments, and some of the former president’s congressional allies publicly called on Wray to “correct” his remarks, accusing him of sowing confusion.

The FBI, in a subsequent statement on Friday, said that “what struck former President Trump in the ear was a bullet, whether whole or fragmented into smaller pieces.” That statement seemed to allay GOP anger, given Kennedy was the first Republican senator to bring it up more than two hours into the hearing.

Kennedy also asked Abbate on Tuesday to confirm that Trump wasn’t struck by a “space laser,” a “murder hornet” or “Sasquatch.”

Tensions boiled over Tuesday as Sen. Josh Hawley pressed acting Secret Service Director Ronald Rowe to fire officials involved in critical decisions ahead of the attempted assassination of former President Donald Trump.

“What more do you need to know?” Hawley asked Rowe.

“What I need to know is exactly what happened, and I need my investigators to do their job,” Rowe said. “You’re asking me, senator, to completely make a rush to judgment about somebody failing.”

Hawley said it was clear that fireable offenses occurred given that Trump was shot and a rallygoer was killed.

Rowe replied, ”I have lost sleep over that for the past 17 days.”

“Then fire somebody!” Hawley responded.

“I will tell you, senator, that I will not rush to judgment, that people will be held accountable and I will do so with integrity and not rush to judgment and [make] people unfairly persecuted,” Rowe responded.

“Unfairly persecuted?” Hawley replied. “People are dead!”

It was the most hostile exchange on a tense day, as Rowe acknowledged agency-wide failures but declined to say which individual officials were responsible for those failures. He acknowledged and confirmed widely reported stories that local law enforcement in Butler, Pa. had offered drones to the Secret Service that the agency turned down.