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Donald Trump’s refusal to concede the 2020 election handicapped Joe Biden’s presidential transition so badly that it spooked Congress into taking action. But this year’s quick and decisive results mean the Trump-proofing they did for the process won’t be put to the test.

Four years ago, Trump’s election defiance triggered a broader national crisis and prevented Biden’s transition team from accessing federal funding and information for several weeks, a holdup that hampered the new administration’s readiness on national security and tackling the then-raging Covid-19 pandemic.

Lawmakers believe they solved at least part of the problem two years later: Instead of leaving the General Services Administration, an obscure federal agency that manages the government’s real estate, in charge of declaring whether and when to share resources with the winner’s transition team, multiple candidates can now get parallel access during a contested election.

Had the race dragged for days or weeks past Election Day as happened in 2020 and 2000, Trump and Kamala Harris could have both prepared to be the next commander-in-chief while courts and state legislatures hashed out the votes. The new law gave multiple transition teams the ability to send “landing teams” to agencies across the government, get money to set up offices and receive security briefings until a winner is declared.

Congress’ 2022 fix also created new vulnerabilities and left a lot of things unaddressed should there be another contested election in the future. An eventual election loser could access extremely sensitive government intel, for example, and other parts of the government could still obstruct the transfer of power.

As Trump fought the 2020 election results, individual agencies and officials refused to meet with and share information with the Biden team — even after the GSA gave them a green light to do so. And some election experts argue there’s nothing much Congress can do.

One additional curveball: Trump’s team has  not yet signed agreements to receive federal funding for their transition — nor are they bound by the usual ethics and financial transparency rules that come with them.

House Democrats’ path to the majority is rapidly narrowing. The blame game over what went wrong is only just starting.

In a subdued, somber call, their first since Tuesday’s election, Democratic leaders projected confidence in their party and told lawmakers to wait to see the results of the races that still haven’t been called — as many rank-and-file members are starting to air grievances.

Democrats felt their leadership set expectations for how the call would go when Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries told lawmakers to sit tight, according to two people on the call, and Rep. Jim Clyburn (D-S.C.), who was formerly whip of the House Democrats, told Democrats to stand with their leaders but to speak for themselves and their races rather than for the caucus as a whole.

Jeffries in a statement issued just before the caucus call said he congratulated Trump but believed House control was still up in the air.

“It has yet to be decided who will control the House of Representatives in the 119th Congress. We must count every vote and wait until the results in Oregon, Arizona and California are clear,” he said.

One Democratic lawmaker who requested anonymity to speak freely told POLITICO they believe the call was calm as some incumbent Democrats are finding out they’ve lost their races and added they believed next week’s in-person caucus meeting will be where the real fireworks will happen.

“We need to be much more assertive when we’re telling leadership [what we think went wrong],” the lawmaker said.

But outside of the caucus call, Democrats from all sides of the party have begun sharing their thoughts on why they performed so poorly on Tuesday despite expectations that Vice President Kamala Harris could win and Democrats could flip the House.

One centrist Democrat, Rep. Tom Suozzi of New York, blamed the party’s perceived lean into political correctness for why they lost the election.

“Democrats need to focus more on issues Americans care about, like wages and benefits, and less on being politically correct,” he said in a press release also posted on X. “We failed as a party to respond to the Republican weaponization of anarchy on college campuses, defund the police, biological boys playing in girls’ sports, and a general attack on traditional values.”

Lawmakers are scheduled to return to Washington next week, though House Democrats aren’t expected to hold their leadership elections until the week after. House Democratic leaders had largely been expected to slot up a rung if they took back the House, though being relegated to the minority again could shake up their plans.

Republicans currently have the lead in the vote count, but control of the House still remains in question. Democrats had staked their path to the majority on flipping Republican-held seats largely in New York and California, and so far three of the New York seats have flipped to Democrats. Races in California will take longer to count.

But Democrats’ remaining paths to the majority are closing off after a handful of losses, including incumbents Susan Wild and Matt Cartwright and an open seat in Michigan.

Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell had a simple response Thursday as to whether he would leave his post if President-elect Donald Trump asked him to.

“No.”

Powell, speaking to reporters after Fed policymakers cut interest rates again, tried during his press conference to avoid the political fray. Still, he made clear that he’s not going anywhere. He declared that it’s “not permitted under the law” for presidents to remove members of the independent central bank.

Despite years of criticism of the Fed chief, the once and future president said over the summer that he would let Powell finish out his term, which doesn’t end until mid-2026 — “especially if I thought he was doing the right thing.” But close advisers to Trump — who once questioned whether Powell was a “bigger enemy” to the U.S. than China’s Xi Jinping — have suggested the Fed chief should simply resign.

Trump, who says he believes the president should have a say in monetary policy, has made no secret of his preference for low interest rates and will likely resume his previous habit of tweeting barbs at the Fed chief if he thinks borrowing costs are too high. He explored the question of whether he could fire Powell during his first term, a prospect that added to market turmoil at the time.

The Fed lowered rates again on Thursday, as expected, but the timing for future cuts is less clear — in part because Trump’s policies could alter the economy’s trajectory. Bond investors pushed up yields on Wednesday as they weighed the possibility that higher tariffs and fewer immigrant workers could stoke inflation.

Powell told reporters that Fed officials always take policies — both from the executive branch and Congress — into account if they affect the economy, but “we don’t know what the timing and substance of any policy changes will be,” he said. “We therefore don’t know what the effects on the economy would be.”

Two lawyers who have played key roles in investigations into Donald Trump and his top allies are now under consideration for a crucial gig in his administration: White House counsel.

David Warrington, the general counsel for the Trump campaign; and Stanley Woodward, a defense lawyer who has represented many prominent Trump aides, are both in the mix, according to two people familiar with the transition team’s deliberations. Other candidates are also under consideration.

“President-Elect Trump will begin making decisions on who will serve in his second Administration soon,” said Trump spokesperson Karoline Leavitt in a statement. “Those decisions will be announced when they are made.”

Woodward and Warrington did not respond to requests for comment.

The White House counsel represents the presidency as an institution, helming a staff of lawyers who specialize in federal government operations. During the first Trump term, then-White House Counsel Don McGahn prioritized the appointment of young conservatives to the federal judiciary — one of the most enduring parts of Trump’s first four years.

Warrington, a partner at Dhillon Law Group, helped guide the Trump campaign through a maze of unprecedented political and legal challenges.

He represented Trump during the Jan. 6 select committee’s investigation, along with former national security advisor Michael Flynn, former White House personnel adviser Johnny McEntee, and “Stop the Steal” organizers Amy and Kylie Kremer. And Warrington represents Trump in ongoing civil lawsuits brought by members of Congress and police officers over the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol.

Previously, he was general counsel for Ron Paul’s 2012 campaign and advised the Trump campaign during the 2016 Republican National Convention.

Woodward, once a big-law denizen specializing in complex civil litigation, has spent the last few years rising to prominence along with his law partner former House counsel Stan Brand. The pair represented Trump aide Dan Scavino before the Jan. 6 select committee and special counsel Jack Smith’s investigation into Trump and his allies’ effort to subvert the 2020 election.

Woodward also expanded his client roster to include other prominent Trump allies ensnared in related probes, including former adviser Kash Patel, former White House trade adviser Peter Navarro and Trump’s body man Walt Nauta, who was charged alongside Trump in the Florida classified documents probe. Woodward played a role in fighting the Justice Department’s effort to access Rep. Scott Perry’s phone as part of the 2020 election probe.

Woodward has also represented several notable defendants who participated in the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol, including Kelly Meggs, a member of the Oath Keepers convicted of seditious conspiracy; and Ryan Samsel, who helped instigate the first breach of police lines that day.

Sen. John Thune (R-S.D.), the No. 2 Senate Republican, said on Thursday that he would prefer incoming President Donald Trump not publicly endorse in the three-way race to succeed GOP Leader Mitch McConnell.

Thune, during an interview with CNBC’s “Squawk Box,” acknowledged that Trump “could exert a considerable amount of influence” on the race if he wanted to, but added: “My preference would be, and I think it’s probably in his best interest, to stay of that. These Senate secret ballot elections are probably best left to senators, and he’s got to work with all of us when it’s all said and done.”

Thune and Trump have a complicated history, but the South Dakota Republican has worked to repair their relationship. The two have spoken several times, and allies of the both men now believe they are in a good spot. Furthermore, Thune is echoing advice that several other GOP senators, including some of the former president’s allies, have said publicly: That he should stay out of the internal leadership race.

But some conservatives are pushing Trump to enter the race. Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.) said Thursday that Trump should endorse Florida Sen. Rick Scott (R-Fla.), who has been actively courting Trump’s support.

Donald Trump will have some catch-up to do in filling his Cabinet.

In the throes of a tight campaign, he didn’t engage in formal conversations about Cabinet posts. But that didn’t stop him from spitballing potential contenders during his frequent plane rides to campaign events, or when he is impressed by one of his allies on television. So the starting point for him will be those conversations.

“He would be great at this,” or “She would be great at that,” Trump has said on recent occasions while watching surrogates on television, according to a person with knowledge of his comments who was granted anonymity to speak freely. And like with his monthslong search for a running mate, the TV circuit became an important venue for the aggressive jockeying underway by allies eager to secure a Cabinet job.

Some candidates for the Cabinet have even hired their own public relations teams.

Trump’s first Cabinet was confirmed at a slow pace, due to Democrats slow-walking the process, only to see high turnover in those top jobs during his four years in office.

Despite all the chatter, the Trump campaign said during the campaign that Trump isn’t touching the issue yet.

“There have been no discussions about who will serve in a second Trump administration,” his press secretary, Karoline Leavitt, said this fall. “President Trump is focused on winning the election and when he does, he will then choose the best people to help him make America great again.”

Here’s our guide on the leading contenders for Trump’s top jobs.

NEW YORK — Democratic challenger Laura Gillen notched an upset Tuesday night over first-term GOP Rep. Anthony D’Esposito in New York City’s suburbs, flipping a highly coveted seat in a racially diverse district spanning the South Shore of western Long Island.

The win by Gillen, a former local government official, gives Democrats a much-needed boost in their quest to retake the House and returns some partisan balance in a region largely governed by Republicans at local and state levels.

Gillen, previously the town of Hempstead’s supervisor, had narrowly lost a bid against D’Esposito for the seat in 2022.

D’Esposito, a freshman member of Congress and former NYPD detective, faced scandal in the final months of his campaign after a September New York Times exposé revealed he had an affair and put his lover and his fiancee’s daughter on his payroll.

He has denied he violated House ethics rules.

Gillen’s path to victory was paved by Democrats’ outreach to Black and Latino voters in the district, her argument that she’s better positioned to work across the aisle and her message that her party cares about securing the border. Her prospects improved after Kamala Harris replaced Joe Biden at the top of the Democratic ticket.

Congressional races on Long Island, in the Hudson Valley and in central New York are expected to help determine whether Mike Johnson or Hakeem Jeffries serves as speaker next year.

In 2022, D’Esposito flipped the NY-04 red after former Democratic Rep. Kathleen Rice opted not to seek reelection.

It made the district one of a handful in the House where voters chose Biden in 2020 but elected a GOP House member two years later. The victory was part of a red wave that engulfed the state as Republicans flipped four New York House seats red.

D’Esposito, who was instrumental in getting then-colleague Rep. George Santos expelled, was a face of the storied Nassau County Republican Party and a leader that Donald Trump touted when he visited the district in September.

As one of the few women challengers Democrats floated in the battlegrounds of California and New York, Gillen proved to be a prolific fundraiser. She brought in $2.4 million in the third quarter of her campaign and $1.9 million in the second quarter.

Democratic attacks on D’Esposito often focused less on the accusations of patronage and nepotism and more on misconduct complaints against him that were lodged during his days as a police officer. He was accused of lying under oath, a matter New York City settled with $250,000 in taxpayer money, and he failed to secure his gun, which was stolen from him.

D’Esposito defended his police record in their sole debate. He accused Gillen of patronage and sought to use her record as town supervisor against her. He repeatedly attacked her as a liar, a gaslighter and someone he described as ineffective in the Hempstead government where they both served.

His ads targeted Gillen as an ally of unpopular Democratic leaders, Gov. Kathy Hochul and New York City Mayor Eric Adams, who he and other vulnerable New York Republicans painted as soft on migrants and crime.

“My opponent and Democrats throughout the country told us that the border was secure, and they said that the economy was booming,” D’Esposito said at the News 12 debate. “All of a sudden Kamala Harris becomes the nominee, and now they want to secure the border and they want to fix the economy. They’re lying to everyone.”

Gillen sought to paint D’Esposito as enabling a highly ineffective and dysfunctional Republican-controlled Congress, noting that House Republicans rejected the Senate’s bipartisan border deal.

“You send me to Congress,” she said in one ad. “I will work with anyone from any party to secure our southern border, lock up criminals pushing fentanyl and stop the migrant crisis.”

The Democrat also insisted that the GOP incumbent would green-light a nationwide abortion ban supported by Speaker Johnson.

D’Esposito, like other moderate Republicans fighting for their political lives in blue states, said he would not vote for a federal ban and accused Democrats of misrepresenting his views for political gain.

Democratic leaders stumped in the district for Gillen over the course of the race. They included House Minority Leader Jeffries, House Foreign Affairs Committee ranking member Gregory Meeks and House Minority Whip Katherine Clark.

Vivian Jenna Wilson, the transgender daughter of Elon Musk, says she is leaving the U.S. over Donald Trump’s return to the White House.

“I’ve thought this for a while, but yesterday confirmed it for me. I don’t see my future being in the United States,” she said in a Threads post on Wednesday. “Even if he’s only in office for 4 years, even if the anti-trans regulations magically don’t happen, the people who willingly voted this in are not going anywhere anytime soon.”

Twenty-year-old Wilson is estranged from her father, who poured hundreds of millions of dollars into Trump’s campaign and has the ear of the president-elect.

Trump has said he would restrict gender-affirming care, bar transgender women from women’s sports teams and keep transgender people from using facilities that align with their gender identity as president.

Musk said in a July interview that Wilson was “killed by the woke mind virus,” and that he had been “tricked” into authorizing gender-affirming care for her. In response to Musk’s comments, Wilson described her father as “cold,” “very quick to anger” and “narcissistic” in an interview with NBC News.

Gov. JB Pritzker spoke to reporters Thursday for the first time since Donald Trump’s victory, saying he expects to work with the next administration, but he issued a warning.

“You come for my people, you come through me,” Pritzker said, referring to the minority and underserved communities of Illinois who remember the “chaos, retribution and disarray radiated from the White House the last time Donald Trump occupied.”

Pritzker, who served as a surrogate to Kamala Harris’ campaign, said his administration “was not unprepared” for a Trump win.

Pritzker said his administration has worked with the Democratic-led General Assembly to take “proactive steps” to shore up abortion rights and other laws that could draw scrutiny under a Trump White House. And he said Illinois would take action if the Trump administration were to circumvent government grants that were headed to Illinois. The governor said he’s had similar conversations with fellow Democratic governors around the country.

“We have like minds about protecting certain rights and making sure that we’re going to be able to withstand four years of a Donald Trump presidency and also the areas where we might work with the administration, whatever those may be,” he said.

Pritzker’s comments weren’t as inflammatory as they were on the campaign trail, when he was known to refer to Trump as racist, homophobic and xenophobic, but they were just as pointed.

The Illinois governor who is also seen as a possible presidential candidate in 2028 said Americans should be “focused on a peaceful transition of power, even if Donald Trump didn’t afford that to his successor.”

Pritzker told reporters it was too early to offer an explanation as to why Democrats failed to win over swing-state voters, including in neighboring Wisconsin, where thousands of Illinois Democrats canvassed over the past two months on behalf of Harris’ campaign.

“I haven’t seen anybody show up with an analysis of the data. There are a lot of people with opinions, and certainly Republicans are spouting off their opinions about what Democrats have done wrong in order to lose an election,” Pritzker said. “But the reality is, it’s going to take a little while, I think, before we have real answers.”

Illinois remained a blue state after the election, but Trump even made inroads here, including in the Democratic enclave of Chicago.

Gail Slater and Michael Kratsios are handling tech policy during the Trump transition, according to a person familiar with the matter. The person said the decision was made roughly two months ago and that the two want to hear from a “diverse set of stakeholders” in their work.

Kratsios served as chief technology officer during president-elect Donald Trump’s first term. He was one of the authors of Trump’s 2020 artificial intelligence executive order, meant to supercharge AI research investment, federal computing and data resources, set technical standards, build up the American AI workforce and engage with international allies on the technology.

More recently, Kratsios has worked as managing director at Scale AI, an AI startup that has secured some notable Department of Defense contracts.

Slater serves as economic policy adviser to vice president-elect JD Vance. She previously held top executive roles at Roku, Fox Corp. and the now-defunct tech industry trade group The Internet Association.

Slater worked for Trump during his first term as a special assistant to the president on tech, telecom and cybersecurity issues. She was an ally of the wireless industry and advocated for a free-market approach to 5G wireless technology.

The Trump transition team did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Kratsios and Slater declined to comment.

John Hendel contributed to this report.