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Rep. Jared Golden (D-Maine) announced he would seek a fifth term in the House on Tuesday, ending speculation that he could run statewide instead.

Golden has held a battleground district won by President Donald Trump three times since he first flipped the seat in 2018 — making him a prime target for the Republican Party ahead of the 2026 midterms.

“While I have considered many options for how best to continue serving the people of Maine, I have decided to run for re-election because the surest way to restore balance in Washington is for Democrats to win back the House of Representatives,” Golden said in a press release on Tuesday.

He was viewed as a potential statewide candidate in Maine. The state has an open governor’s race, and Democrats are again looking to target Republican Sen. Susan Collins — although Golden once worked for her, and many Democrats believed he ultimately wouldn’t challenge his former boss.

Golden’s announcement comes after Republican Paul LePage — who served as governor of Maine from 2011 to 2019 — entered the race earlier this month.

“I do not need a job, I am running to protect our Maine jobs,” LePage said in a statement on social media announcing his campaign. “I am running to serve the people of Maine and help the president fix Washington.”

Golden criticized LePage in his announcement, saying he was “going to do what it takes to make sure no one like Paul LePage blusters his way into Congress.”

Golden, who did not endorse former Vice President Kamala Harris for president last year, has faced backlash from Democrats for siding with Republicans at times on issues like gun control.

Senate Republicans will move this week to nix California’s vehicle emission waivers, Senate Majority Leader John Thune said, setting up a high-stakes fight over the chamber’s rules.

Thune said in a Tuesday floor speech that he will move forward with three House-passed resolutions that use the Congressional Review Act to roll back EPA waivers that effectively let California set its own emission standards. Thune’s announcement comes after weeks of internal deliberations within the conference and public pressure from members of his leadership team to hold a vote.

That’s because the Government Accountability Office has found that the California waivers aren’t a rule and thus aren’t subject to the CRA, which allows Congress to nix regulations with only a simple majority, bypassing the threat of a Democratic filibuster. Crucially, Senate Parliamentarian Elizabeth MacDonough has backed up that finding.

Democrats have warned GOP leaders that they view moving forward with the disapproval resolution over MacDonough’s guidance to be akin to deploying the “nuclear option” undermining the filibuster.

Thune declined after his speech to detail how Republicans will get the resolution to a final vote, saying that it’s still a “little early.” Several GOP senators acknowledged this week that they were working through “options.” He and Sen. Shelley Moore Capito (R-W.Va.) met with four potential GOP swing votes on Monday night — Sens. Susan Collins of Maine, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, John Curtis of Utah and Bill Cassidy of Louisiana — to talk about the procedural mechanics of the resolution.

It’s unclear how Democrats will respond after issuing their dire warnings. Sen. Alex Padilla (D-Calif.) announced Tuesday that he would slow-walk four EPA nominees in response to Republicans pursuing the disapproval resolutions.

“If my Republican colleagues open this door and overturn the Parliamentarian’s wise safeguards on this type of abuse, there would be no practical limit, and the Senate could be forced to vote repeatedly on such matters that are clearly not ‘rules’ notwithstanding the plain language of the CRA,” Padilla said in a statement.

Republicans have brushed off criticism by noting that most Senate Democrats previously voted unsuccessfully to create a separate exception to the 60-vote legislative filibuster.

“I don’t believe that it’s nuking the filibuster,” said Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.), criticizing Democrats who previously voted for a civil-rights carve-out now raising a “hue and cry about nuking the filibuster.”

Still, multiple GOP senators have raised questions privately about if sidestepping the parliamentarian would be weakening their own chamber’s rules and setting a precedent about what qualifies under the Congressional Review Act that would come back to bite them the next time Democrats are in power.

But GOP leadership and supporters of the resolution are trying to turn the internal debate from the parliamentarian, whom many of them are wary of openly defying, to the role of the Government Accountability Office. Some have accused the agency of making a politically motivated decision.

Collins, after the meeting in Thune’s office, said that senators were still discussing the procedural path for the resolution but added that “I definitely want to see the rule overturned.”

New Jersey Rep. LaMonica McIver is facing a felony charge of assaulting a federal officer for allegedly pushing a pair of unnamed Homeland Security agents during a scuffle that broke out earlier this month as three House members were trying to visit an immigration detention center in Newark, New Jersey, a court filing released Tuesday shows.

The criminal complaint filed in U.S. District Court in Newark alleges McIver “slammed her forearm” into one agent and “forcibly” grabbed him. The Democratic congressmember is also accused of using “each of her forearms to forcibly strike” another officer, according to the complaint, which includes multiple photos from video cameras worn by officers, as well as others mounted outside the facility.

The complaint was presented to U.S. Magistrate Judge Stacey Adams on Monday evening, shortly before New Jersey’s interim U.S. Attorney, Alina Habba, announced the charge on X, escalating a confrontation between the political branches. Habba also agreed to drop the pending trespass charge against Newark Mayor Ras Baraka, a Democrat who is also running for governor.

The charge against McIver carries a maximum statutory punishment of eight years in prison, although defendants are typically sentenced in accordance with federal guidelines that usually result in sentences well below the maximum.

Under federal court rules, prosecutors will have 30 days to get a grand jury to obtain an indictment of McIver.

The court filing was released hours before a House subcommittee planned to hold a hearing examining the “threats to ICE operations.” The panel is led by fellow New Jersey Rep. Jeff Van Drew, a Republican. He referred to the incident in Newark, saying that “we’re going to go into … the actual scuffle itself.”

The charge follows a May 9 visit by McIver, along with her colleagues Reps. Rob Menendez (D-N.J.) and Bonnie Watson Coleman (D-N.J.), to a newly opened Immigration and Customs Enforcement facility in Newark that unfolded in a tussle and resulted in the arrest of Baraka.

McIver, who has maintained her innocence and denounced the charges as political, is likely to be summoned to appear before a magistrate judge in federal court in the coming days to be formally advised of the charges.

The charging document gives a fresh, written account of the day’s events from Department of Homeland Security special agent Robert Tansey.

Tansey gave a new account about how Baraka was able to enter a gated area at the detention facility. Baraka said he was invited in. Tansley said the mayor was able to enter “because the guard was under the impression that the Mayor was part of the Congressional delegation.”

Baraka was eventually asked to leave the gated area and told he would be arrested.

At the time, POLITICO witnessed McIver and Watson Coleman appearing to mediate a negotiation between an agent and Baraka inside the gated area. According to Tansey, McIver and the other members of Congress “surrounded the Mayor and prevented [authorities] from handcuffing him and taking him into custody.”

Baraka eventually left the gated area. The three members of Congress who were still inside the gate headed back toward the facility.

“We will be your eyes and your ears and we will report to you, mayor,” Watson Coleman told Baraka, at a point where the situation seemed to have been defused.

Moments later, Menendez came back across the parking lot to warn Baraka that he could still be arrested. Menendez would later say that he’d witnessed an agent inside the fenced area talking on the phone with someone who told the agent to arrest Baraka. McIver gave a similar account.

Authorities approached Baraka to arrest him, setting off a scrum. Tansey said McIver “hurried outside towards the agents and attempted to thwart the arrest as others yelled ‘circle the mayor.’”

Tansey said McIver and others circled Baraka in a “human shield” to prevent the arrest. He said her attempts to “thwart the arrest” included allegedly slamming her forearm into and grabbing one agent and using her forearms to forcibly strike another.

Menendez said in a Monday night statement that, having witnessed everything firsthand, “I strongly believe that the administration should be apologizing to Rep. McIver, not arresting her on unprecedented, politicized charges.” The day of the incident, Menendez said that “all of us were touched” by federal authorities and said McIver had been shoved in what he called an “assault.”

McIver told reporters Tuesday morning that she is “looking forward to my day in court.” In a CNN interview on Tuesday, prior to the charging document becoming public, McIver called the Trump administration’s actions “political intimidation.” In response to a question about if she had attempted to negotiate a plea deal, McIver said she is “open to having conversations” but won’t “roll over and stop doing my job.”

“The Justice Department and Alina Habba wanted me to admit to doing something that I did not do, and I was not going to do that,” McIver said.

Madison Fernandez contributed to this report.

President Donald Trump took a surprising swipe Tuesday at efforts to increase a key tax deduction — underscoring that the main beneficiaries would be Democratic “governors from New York, Illinois and California.”

His comments, during a visit to Capitol Hill to rally support for his policy meagabill, came as House Republicans from blue states are holding out for a major increase in the federal deduction for state and local taxes, or SALT.

“Well SALT is a very interesting thing. The big JB is going nowhere, probably right now, he could be the worst governor in the country, but Illinois and Gavin ‘Newscum,’ those are the people that want this, and they’re Democrat states,” Trump told reporters at the Capitol, referring to Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker and using a pejorative for California Gov. Gavin Newsom.

The comments stood in stark contrast to remarks Trump made during his presidential campaign to “get SALT back.” New York, New Jersey and California Republicans have often cited Trump’s remarks to push for an increase in the current $10,000 cap on the deduction.

But now, Trump appears to be exerting pressure on the group to wrap up negotiations as House GOP leadership pushes to put the GOP’s marquee energy, border and tax legislation on the floor as soon as Wednesday.

The fight over SALT has been one of the key battles holding up progress on the legislation. The group of so-called SALT Republicans have said they’re not satisfied with a proposal in the current GOP tax legislation that would pump the cap up to $30,000, albeit with a new restriction limiting the higher deduction to those making below $400,000.

President Donald Trump moved Tuesday to end the quarrelling among various GOP factions and move his domestic-policy megabill toward passage, telling House Republicans behind closed doors that they need to unite immediately behind the “big, beautiful bill” their leaders have assembled.

That message was delivered in equal measure to both sides of the fractious GOP conference.

To conservative hard-liners who have been pushing for deeper cuts to Medicaid, Trump made crystal clear that he did not support additional slashing.

“Don’t fuck around with Medicaid,” he said, according to two Republicans granted anonymity to describe the private meetings.

He said he was focused on “saving” Medicaid by eliminating waste, fraud and abuse — echoing comments he made to reporters outside the meeting.

Trump said in response to a question from POLITICO that the hard-liners needed to pare back their demands for deeper spending cuts: “I’m a bigger fiscal hawk,” he said. “There’s nobody like me.”

He also took aim at the SALT Republicans — the mostly blue-state members who are pushing for a higher cap on the state-and-local-tax deduction. Trump campaigned last year on the issue.

But entering the Capitol on Tuesday, he said the tax break mainly served to benefit blue-state governors and said the group of holdouts needed to accept the deal to modestly increase the existing $10,000 cap on the deduction.

He said much the same inside the closed-door meeting, telling the SALT holdouts should “leave it alone” and take the offer on the table.

Trump’s Capitol Hill visit comes less than 24 hours before Speaker Mike Johnson wants to House Rules Committee to meet and finalize the bill for a floor vote, which could take place as soon as Wednesday.

House Republican leaders are bringing in their biggest gun Tuesday as they race to pacify critics and pass their “big, beautiful bill” in the coming days.

Where things stand: Blue-state Republicans emerged from a late Monday meeting with Speaker Mike Johnson without a deal on a state-and-local-tax deduction, feeling uncertain if they could clinch a final agreement. It’s one of many hangups GOP leaders have to resolve before Rules meets on the bill at 1 a.m. Wednesday, with a House floor vote to eventually follow.

Now Johnson’s finally playing the Trump card. The president is expected to speak to members during Tuesday’s 8:30 a.m. conference meeting. “I think you’re going to see the squeeze come,” Rep. Andy Ogles (R-Tenn.) predicted in an interview with former Rep. Matt Gaetz Monday night.

GOP leaders hope Trump can dissuade some hard-liners from putting up a bigger fight over requests like deeper Medicaid cuts and a complete repeal of IRA clean-energy tax credits, while convincing the SALT crew to finally take a deal.

Johnson said Monday night he expects “lots of encouragement to get this thing done” from the president Tuesday. Asked if he wants Trump to give direction on Medicaid, Johnson said, “I think he already has.”

They might need some more clarification. After a meeting with moderates, Johnson said so-called FMAP changes affecting state reimbursement rates aren’t on the table — and haven’t been for some time. But Freedom Caucus Chair Andy Harris said he thinks FMAP is “the simplest way” to meet hard-liners’ Medicaid demands and suggested they’re ready to hold out longer to get what they want.

Some good news for Johnson: The early-morning Rules meeting might not be a roadblock, after all. Republicans can lose two votes on the committee, and South Carolina Rep. Ralph Norman, one of four Republicans whose initial opposition to the megabill delayed a Budget Committee vote, said Monday he would advance it in Rules. (Texas Rep. Chip Roy, another hard-liner on the committee, told Mia he still has “major issues.”)

But the speaker still faces tough math on the floor — and tough dynamics as he tries to close a deal. Giving one faction what they want on SALT and Medicaid could drive another faction away from an agreement. “The more SALT that they want, the more my appetite for finding savings in other places [grows],” Freedom Caucus Rep. Eric Burlison said Monday.

What else we’re watching: 

— House Judiciary ICE hearing: House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries and his leadership team are slamming the DOJ for charging Rep. LaMonica McIver (D-N.J.) with assault Monday in connection with a chaotic confrontation outside an ICE detention facility in New Jersey earlier this month. That’s setting up a contentious House Judiciary hearing Tuesday examining ICE operations.

— Billy Long on the Hill: Former Rep. Billy Long will testify in front of Senate Finance Tuesday in his quest for confirmation as IRS commissioner. Republicans are expected to press Long about his past work pitching a certain pandemic-era tax credit known as the Employee Retention Credit, which was found to be rife with fraudulent claims.

— Thune contemplates CRA: Senate Republicans will announce as soon as Tuesday whether to bring up a Congressional Review Act disapproval resolution that nixes California’s emissions standards waiver. Senate Majority Leader John Thune and West Virginia Sen. Shelley Moore Capito, the GOP sponsor of the Senate’s resolution, met Monday night with four Republicans viewed as potential swing votes: Sens. Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, Susan Collins of Maine, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and John Curtis of Utah.

Hailey Fuchs and Jordain Carney contributed to this report.

The Senate voted Monday to advance landmark cryptocurrency legislation, with 16 Democrats siding with most Republicans on a key procedural motion that could set the stage for the upper chamber to pass its first-ever crypto regulatory overhaul.

The Senate voted 66-32 to proceed on the bill following a series of bipartisan negotiations in which Republicans agreed to an array of changes to win over enough Democrats to clear the 60-vote threshold required to advance the measure.

The vote is a major win for the crypto industry, which has lobbied Congress for years to pass legislation that would help legitimize digital assets. The bill, led by Sen. Bill Hagerty (R-Tenn.), would create the first-ever U.S. regulatory framework for digital tokens known as stablecoins that are pegged to the value of the dollar.

It comes less than two weeks after Senate Democrats rejected the stablecoin bill on the floor the last time it went up for a procedural vote after a series of last-minute bipartisan talks failed to yield a tangible deal in time and Democrats objected to the language that Republicans had teed up to pass. Negotiators returned to the table this week and agreed to a tentative new draft bill that was circulated over the weekend and is expected to be adopted as an amendment ahead of a vote on final passage.

The procedural motion drew support from 16 Democrats: Sens. Kirsten Gillibrand of New York, Angela Alsobrooks of Maryland, Ruben Gallego of Arizona, Mark Warner of Virginia, Lisa Blunt Rochester of Delaware, Catherine Cortez Masto of Nevada, Ben Ray Luján of New Mexico, Adam Schiff of California, Cory Booker of New Jersey, Elissa Slotkin of Michigan, John Fetterman of Pennsylvania, Maggie Hassan of New Hampshire, Martin Heinrich of New Mexico, Jon Ossoff of Georgia, Alex Padilla of California, and Jacky Rosen of Nevada.

Two Republicans — Sens. Rand Paul of Kentucky and Jerry Moran of Kansas — voted against the motion.

“This cloture vote represents a major milestone in our bipartisan effort to regulate stablecoins,” Gillibrand, the lead Democratic co-sponsor said in a statement. “I’m confident that we have produced a strong regulatory framework that will position our country for the future, and I look forward to seeing it signed into law.”

One Democrat who voted for the bill when it cleared the Senate Banking Committee in March, Sen. Andy Kim, voted “no” on Monday. The New Jersey lawmaker was seen on the floor just prior to the stablecoin vote reviewing written materials in a binder with Gillibrand, Hagerty and aides involved in drafting the bill.

Despite the changes won by Democrats in negotiations, the crypto bill is divisive on the left. Most Democrats opposed the legislation, with some citing concerns about the Trump family’s crypto ventures. The party’s leader on the Senate Banking Committee, Elizabeth Warren, sought to rally the opposition, saying on the floor ahead of the vote that the bill’s “basic flaws remain unaddressed” by the recent changes. The Massachusetts Democrat was seen having a heated conversation with Gillibrand on the Senate floor during the vote on the stablecoin bill while other senators were surrounding the two.

“A bill that turbocharges the stablecoin market, while facilitating the President’s corruption and undermining national security, financial stability, and consumer protection is worse than no bill at all,” Warren said in her floor speech.

Other Democrats said the legislation is necessary to provide certainty to stablecoin issuers, despite concerns about the Trump family businesses.

“Many senators, myself included, have very real concerns about the Trump family’s use of crypto technologies to evade oversight, hide shady financial dealings, and personally profit at the expense of everyday Americans,” Warner — who helped lead negotiations for Democrats alongside Gillibrand, Alsobrooks and Gallego — said in a statement prior to the vote. “But we cannot allow that corruption to blind us to the broader reality: blockchain technology is here to stay.”

Monday’s vote clears the way for Senate GOP leaders to put the legislation up for final passage, but that vote may not occur until after Congress’ Memorial Day recess. Beyond that, the bill still has a long way to go before it reaches President Donald Trump’s desk. If the Senate passes the legislation, it will go to the GOP-controlled House, where it will need to be reconciled with a separate but similar stablecoin measure that cleared the House Financial Services Committee last month.

Katherine Hapgood and Lisa Kashinsky contributed to this report.

Republicans knew they’d have to overcome fierce internal divisions, thorny policy trade-offs and rock-solid Democratic resistance to pass their massive domestic policy bill.

They didn’t count on a Wall Street backlash, too.

A softening Treasury bond market and surprise downgrade Friday of U.S. creditworthiness are the latest forces weighing on the GOP megabill — an unmistakable nudge to lawmakers that investors are growing increasingly concerned about legislation that could pile trillions of dollars more onto an already staggering national debt.

That message is being seen as vindication by some Republicans who have long warned about the nation’s unsustainable fiscal trajectory and who have vowed to seek massive spending cuts as part of the pending legislation.

“If we don’t have a wake-up call now — all of us, Democrat, Republicans — I don’t know what it’s going to take,” said Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.), one of a handful of conservative hard-liners who delayed a key House Budget Committee vote this weekend over spending concerns.

But many other Republicans appear fully prepared to brush off the warnings — including the downgrade of U.S. debt from Moody’s Ratings, which directly referenced the pending legislation: “We do not believe that material multi-year reductions in mandatory spending and deficits will result from current fiscal proposals under consideration.”

Trump’s National Economic Council director, Kevin Hassett, said in a Fox Business appearance Monday that the downgrade reflected former President Joe Biden’s fiscal policies and argued that the tax cuts in the megabill would position the U.S. for further growth. He also cited increasing tariff revenue that “should affect the credit rating in the end if you’ve got all this extra tax revenue coming in.”

Later Monday, Sen. Markwayne Mullin (R-Okla.) told reporters that the ratings agency “has done this every time we run up against a debt limit or we run up against a spending bill” and would “bounce it right back as soon as we pass a bill.”

In fact, this is Moody’s first-ever downgrade of U.S. sovereign debt; two other ratings agencies, S&P and Fitch, previously downgraded Treasury offerings citing similar concerns about out-of-control borrowing costs and have not restored the tip-top ratings they previously enjoyed.

But market watchers say it’s the pricing of Treasury debt that lawmakers should be paying close attention to as they put together President Donald Trump’s “big, beautiful bill” that is set to extend 2017 tax cuts and pile on more goodies for individuals and corporations without fully offsetting their cost.

“I hope the Republican majority in Congress realize that the bond market is watching,” said economist Ed Yardeni, who coined the term “bond vigilantes” in the 1980s to describe how investors can exert fierce pressure on economic policymakers.

For now, bond investors haven’t really revolted over the latest credit downgrade or the budget bill, Yardeni said, but if Republicans deliver “excessive” fiscal policy, they “could react adversely and try to force the Republicans to come up with a better program.”

The Moody’s downgrade sent a shiver across Wall Street on Monday morning. Yields on longer-dated Treasury securities climbed, with the 30-year Treasury briefly jumping above 5 percent, while rates on 10-year notes — which are used to price everything from home mortgages to credit card loans — at one point rose above 4.5 percent, up about a half point on the month.

While Treasury securities pared back some of those losses over the course of Monday’s trading session, Wall Street economists and market analysts said that the abrupt spike reflected a renewed focus on the U.S.’ gloomy fiscal outlook — and raised fears of a spiral of rising borrowing costs fueling more debt.

Prominent business leaders with close ties to Republicans, like Citadel’s Ken Griffin and Ray Dalio of Bridgewater Associates, have dialed up warnings of the deep risks posed by excessive deficit spending. This echoes the longstanding concerns of traditional conservatives who have long called for significantly lower levels of government spending.

“If we get to the point where people are no longer willing to buy Treasuries, then we’re in real trouble with a sovereign debt crisis,” said Rep. Lloyd Smucker (R-Pa.), who voted to advance the bill Sunday in the Budget Committee.

But Trump’s agenda has not prioritized fiscal rectitude, and the president’s appetite for deep tax cuts combined with thin congressional majorities that are reluctant to cut too deeply into the American social safety net are adding up to another deficit-busting bill.

The GOP megabill hasn’t been fully scored by the Congressional Budget Office, but preliminary estimates produced by the Yale Budget Lab and the Penn Wharton Budget Model project that it would add $3.4 trillion to federal deficits over the next decade. Republicans who say the bill won’t add to the national debt are including economic growth projections that most economists consider to be unrealistic.

“Nothing that the administration is doing presently is in the direction of trying to right the fiscal house,” said Yale Budget Lab President Natasha Sarin, a former top adviser to Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen.

Meanwhile, the cadre of congressional fiscal hawks who have insisted on deep spending cuts appear to be in retreat. When the Moody’s downgrade hit Friday, House GOP hard-liners felt they had maximum pressure to force major changes in the bill — including dramatically restructuring the design of the spending cuts, which are backloaded toward the end of the bill’s 10-year lifespan.

But all signs are that the Republican Party’s Trump-centric politics are set to outweigh any push for fiscal purity. The president and White House officials were enraged after the handful of Budget Committee holdouts tanked the key vote Friday, and as a weekend of tense talks wore on, it became increasingly clear that the Moody’s downgrade actually ramped up pressure for the budget hawks to fall in line, according to three Republicans granted anonymity to describe the talks.

Amid rising Treasury rates, a weakening dollar, and ongoing fallout from Trump’s global tariff regime — including an announcement last week from Walmart that it would need to raise prices — the downgrade added another concern for the health of the U.S. economy. The White House circulated a report over the weekend underscoring the need to pass the bill in order to keep businesses and households from being swamped by tax hikes.

Four key hard-liners, including Norman, voted “present” in a Budget Committee revote Sunday night, allowing the bill to advance. They are now pushing for changes to Medicaid provisions and clean-energy tax credits that could reap significant savings, though at least some of that could be used to offset additional tax cuts, leaving the bill’s overall fiscal footprint largely unchanged.

One hard-right proposal that is likely to be incorporated is to implement work requirements for Medicaid as soon as 2027 — two years sooner than in the initial draft of the House bill.

Paul Winfree, a veteran conservative policy analyst, said the hard-liners were smart to push for the cuts to bite sooner. The markets, he said, “may be sending a signal that they’re skeptical that the savings in the future will materialize. That’s why it’s so important to make sure that the spending reductions start much sooner than 2028 or 2029.”

Jordain Carney contributed to this report.

The Justice Department announced an assault charge Monday against Rep. LaMonica McIver, a New Jersey Democrat who was involved in a chaotic confrontation with officials outside a federal immigration facility earlier this month.

The criminal charge follows a May 9 visit by McIver, along with her colleagues Reps. Rob Menendez and Bonnie Watson Coleman, to an Immigration and Customs Enforcement facility in Newark that unfolded in a tussle and resulted in the arrest of the city’s Democratic mayor.

New Jersey interim U.S. Attorney Alina Habba announced the charge against McIver on X, escalating a confrontation between the political branches, while also agreeing to drop the pending trespass charge against Mayor Ras Baraka.

“I have persistently made efforts to address these issues without bringing criminal charges and have given Representative McIver every opportunity to come to a resolution, but she has unfortunately declined,” Habba said in a statement.

The charge is an extraordinary stress-test for the separation of powers at a time in which President Donald Trump is seeking to maximize executive branch dominance. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries last week warned against federal law enforcement targeting the Democratic members and called arrests a “red line.”

The formal charging documents were not immediately made public, but Habba cited a provision of federal law that makes it a crime to engage in an assault on a federal officer. It’s a felony when the assault involves “physical contact with the victim.” McIver is being charged “for assaulting, impeding and interfering with law enforcement,” according to Habba.

The three lawmakers last Friday attempted to inspect Delaney Hall — the Trump administration’s newest immigrant detention facility — for oversight, as members of Congress are allowed to do by law. Charges have not been announced for Menendez nor Watson Coleman.

“The charges against me are purely political — they mischaracterize and distort my actions, and are meant to criminalize and deter legislative oversight,” McIver said in a statement. “This administration will never stop me from working for the people in our district and standing up for what is right. I am thankful for the outpouring of support I have received and I look forward to the truth being laid out clearly in court.”

Paul Fishman, a lawyer for McIver who served as U.S. attorney for New Jersey, called the decision to charge McIver “spectacularly inappropriate.”

“As a member of Congress, she has the right and responsibility to see how ICE is treating detainees. Rather than facilitating that inspection, ICE agents chose to escalate what should have been a peaceful situation into chaos,” he said in a statement. “This prosecution is an attempt to shift the blame for ICE’s behavior to Congresswoman McIver. In the courtroom, facts — not headlines — will matter.”

Democrats have asserted that Delaney Hall does not have the proper permits to open, which Department of Homeland Security officials have refuted. Federal law allows members of Congress conducting oversight to access “any facility operated by or for the DHS used to detain or otherwise house aliens.”

In addition, lawmakers are protected by the Constitution’s “speech or debate” clause from criminal process for actions taken in the course of their official duties, a provision intended to protect legislators from intimidation by the executive branch. Courts for years have interpreted that protection broadly to include any conduct “integral” to the legislative process, including to conduct oversight.

As it has in previous criminal cases against lawmakers, the Justice Department is sure to argue that their alleged actions against immigration officials exceeded the bounds of their conduct as lawmakers. Prosecutors are making a similar case against a Wisconsin judge, who is now facing charges for allegedly helping an undocumented immigrant escape arrest by helping him flee her courtroom.

Authorities set off a scrum on May 9 at Delaney Hall when they moved to arrest Baraka, the head of New Jersey’s largest city and a Democratic candidate for governor. Watson Coleman and McIver moved to shield him. The tussle that followed prompted the members to accuse the authorities of roughing them up, while the Trump administration suggested it was the other way around.

The day after the incident, Fox News posted a video it said had been provided by DHS to show McIver was “shoving/elbowing her way past a DHS agent.” Around the same time, a federal law enforcement officer shoved McIver as she was trying to reenter the facility, according to both McIver, Menendez and video taken at the time by NJ Spotlight News.

A DHS spokesperson alleged one of the members had “body slammed” an ICE officer, something that a POLITICO reporter on the scene did not witness. And during a House Homeland Security Committee hearing last week, chair Mark Green (R-Tenn.) chastised the “congresswoman who threw a punch at a police officer.”

Baraka was charged with misdemeanor trespassing. He appeared in federal court last week, though Habba on Monday said that his charge was dropped “for the sake of moving forward.” Habba also said that she invited Baraka to tour Delaney Hall — and would personally accompany him — because “the government has nothing to hide at this facility.”

A spokesperson for Baraka did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

In the aftermath of the incident, DHS said that more arrests were “on the table.” Republicans have raised the possibility of removing the three Democrats from their committees or censuring them, though Speaker Mike Johnson last week acknowledged that expulsion is unlikely given the slim margins in Congress.

DHS Secretary Kristi Noem said last week on Fox News that the three committed “felonies” and “don’t deserve to be in the House.”

Menendez and Watson Coleman did not immediately respond to a request for comment but have previously said they did nothing wrong. The day of the incident, Menendez said that “all of us were touched” by federal authorities and said McIver had been shoved in what he called an “assault.”

The House Judiciary Committee’s oversight subcommittee is planning to “launch a full investigation into these dangerous attacks on ICE” with a hearing on Tuesday, according to Rep. Jeff Van Drew (R-N.J.), who is chair of the subcommittee.

Members of Congress who have faced criminal charges in recent years have typically been accused of white-collar crimes. Menendez’s father, former Sen. Bob Menendez, was sentenced earlier this year for bribery and acting as an agent of a foreign government. Former Rep. George Santos was recently sentenced for identity theft and fraud. Former Rep. Jeff Fortenberry (R-Neb.) faced charges — ultimately dismissed by the new Trump administration — of lying to the FBI. Other lawmakers have faced charges for campaign finance crimes or insider trading.

Monday’s charge comes in the middle of an intensifying clash between congressional Democrats and the administration over Trump’s aggressive mass deportation policies, many of which have faced legal challenges.

For example, Democrats traveled to El Salvador earlier this year to push back against the administration’s summary deportation of Kilmar Abrego Garcia in violation of a court order. They’ve also raised alarm over the administration’s targeting of pro-Palestine student activists and efforts to invoke war powers to speed deportations of alleged gang members.

But Republicans have used these efforts — including the recent Delaney Hall visit — to accuse the Democrats of supporting “violent criminals.”

“I hope that those members of Congress will so passionately protest on behalf of the American victims that they were elected to represent, and not just violent criminals who are in this country illegally,” Noem said during a recent Homeland Security Committee hearing.

Rep. Ralph Norman, one of the four House Republicans whose initial opposition to the GOP megabill delayed its in the Budget Committee, said Monday he would not vote against it in the Rules panel later this week.

“Unless something changes … the body has a right [to consider it],” said Norman of his decision to vote at the Wednesday Rules Committee markup to let the massive package come to the chamber floor.

The South Carolinian’s decision signals that hard-liners are likely to let the final battle over whether the legislation lives or dies will be waged in the full House. GOP leaders can only afford a handful of defections but believe they’ll be able to lean on members to fall in line.

Another Rules Committee Republican who also has problems with the proposal in the Budget panel, Rep. Chip Roy of Texas, wouldn’t answer as to whether he would vote to pave the way for floor consideration of the bill.

GOP leaders are also still discussing if they can give themselves so-called same day authority to put the megabill on the floor Wednesday, assuming they can push it through the Rules Committee earlier that same day, according to three Republicans with direct knowledge of the matter.

The matter is largely falling on whether Roy will let that happen.

“That will be up to Chip,” said one House Republican involved in the talks.

Roy in a brief interview made clear he does not normally support same-day authority but declined to say how he would vote.

Mia McCarthy contributed to this report.