Volodymyr Zelenskyy hasn’t lost Republicans — but he’s on notice.

Even some Republican supporters of Ukraine on Capitol Hill said that the Ukrainian President had made a strategic error when he visited a weapons plant in Scranton, Pennsylvania, over the weekend and separately waded into the presidential race by calling JD Vance “too radical” in a recently published interview.

The visit to the plant drew rebukes from Speaker Mike Johnson, who condemned it as a partisan campaign event in solidarity with Democrats, while Zelenskyy’s comment on Vance further complicates his swing through the U.S. as he seeks to shore up support in the war against Russia.

Republicans are a key constituency for Zelenskyy to satisfy as the escalated conflict with Russia drags on into its second year with no end in sight. But the Pennsylvania visit — and provoking of Vance — may be a stumble for the Ukrainian president, who is already dealing with former President Donald Trump criticizing him for not making concessions to Russia.

And with the election less than two months away, Trump’s allies on the Hill and beyond are sensitive to any perceived slights against the former president, including the Ukrainian leader appearing at an event in a key battleground state with Democrats.

“I just think it’s a mistake for any foreign leader to get involved in our domestic politics, and Ukraine needs all the friends it can get — so I think it was an unforced error,” Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas) said in a brief interview. “I think he needs not to make that mistake again. We have geopolitical reasons to continue to support Ukraine, so I don’t think that’s going to change over one incident.”

But despite Republicans’ frustrations, most are not willing to abandon their support for the key ally over the episodes. Pressed on whether Republicans might reevaluate their support for Ukraine based on Zelenskyy’s recent moves, Cornyn shook his head: “Not on my part, and I think people who support Ukraine support Ukraine, not because of the personalities involved, but because of what it means to further Russian expansion in Europe.”

House Appropriations Chair Tom Cole (R-Okla.), a supporter of Ukraine aid, said Zelenskyy’s visit to Pennsylvania “was not helpful,” though he said it wasn’t discussed “very much” in lawmakers’ meeting with him Thursday.

“It’s never smart in any situation where you’re dealing with another country to get involved in this internal politics,” Cole said. “My advice to anybody would be to stay out of American politics. Don’t become an issue, particularly in a partisan election this close and in the final weeks leading up to it where, even if you’re absolutely innocent, anything you do can be taken out of context.”

Zelenskyy’s trip to the weapons plant, where Sen. Bob Casey and Gov. Josh Shapiro also appeared, has sparked House Republican investigations from some of Trump’s allies on the Hill, including Rep. Andy Biggs, and demands from Johnson that Zelenskyy fire his ambassador to the U.S. But those GOP lawmakers supportive of Ukraine’s fight against Russia — a hefty bloc of elected Republicans staunchly opposed more aid to the country previously — left Thursday meetings with the leader vowing to stay the course.

During a press conference in New York on Thursday, Trump said he plans to meet with Zelenskyy at Trump Tower Friday morning but also took the opportunity to dig at the Ukraine president over his comment that Trump doesn’t know how to win the war.

“I disagree with him. Well, he doesn’t know me, but, I will say this, I believe I will be able to make a deal between President Putin and President Zelenskyy quite quickly,” he said.

Trump lashed out at Zelenskyy on Wednesday for not making concessions to Russia, giving his strongest indication to date he would stop backing Kyiv if he wins the U.S. presidential election. Speaking at a rally in Pennsylvania, Trump told the crowd that any deal would be better than the situation Ukraine is currently in.

“We continue to give billions of dollars to a man who refuses to make a deal, Zelenskyy,” Trump said.

Trump has said many times that Russia wouldn’t have invaded Ukraine in 2022 if he was president and has claimed that he’ll negotiate an end to the war if he returns to the Oval Office, though during his debate with Harris he wouldn’t say if he wanted Ukraine to win.

On Thursday, ahead of his press conference in New York City, Trump posted a letter to social media purportedly from Zelenskyy requesting a meeting with him in the city on Friday.

Still, some of Ukraine’s Republican backers were ready to turn the page and put the emphasis on the current president’s narrowing window to help Kyiv.

“You hit him, he’s going to hit you back,” Graham said of Trump. “And we don’t need any more of that. What we need is a change in strategy. The war hinges on what Biden does this week, not what Trump may do.”

Several Republicans, of course, have long been skeptical of — and many have outright opposed — continued U.S. defense aid to Ukraine. Vance, has been among the most outspoken in suggesting the war in Ukraine is of little consequence to America.

At the White House, press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre suggested on Thursday that the GOP outcry was hypocritical, a transparent attempt to justify an opposition to backing Ukraine that is already deeply rooted.

Zelenskyy’s visit to Pennsylvania, Jean-Pierre told reporters, was “something the Ukrainians asked for.”

She pointed to the Ukrainian president’s July visit to Utah where he appeared with Republican Gov. Spencer Cox. “They did this a couple of months ago in Utah with a Republican governor,” Jean-Pierre said. “We didn’t hear any investigation request when he went to a Republican state.”

Lawmakers in both parties said that Zelenskyy ought to be afforded some latitude as he fights for the future of his country. Senate Foreign Relations Chair Ben Cardin (D-Md.) suggested there ought not to be so much pearl-clutching from some Republicans.

“Let’s not get overly politically sensitive here,” Cardin said in an interview. “Let’s give this guy a little bit of a break; he’s speaking out for Ukraine. He’s made very clear he’s not engaged in the politics of this country, so don’t draw him into them. It’s too serious of an issue.”

Sen. John Hoeven (R-N.D.) said Zelenskyy should stay above the political fray, but underscored the substance of the Ukrainian president’s bipartisan Senate meeting.

Zelenskyy previewed the contours of his victory plan for the war, Hoeven said, which focused on a request for more military extensive capabilities using money that Congress provided in April, rather than seeking more U.S. funding for the war effort.

In addition to his push for the Biden administration to ease restrictions on striking into Russian territory with U.S. weapons, Hoeven said Zelenskyy told them Ukraine needs more F-16 fighters and long-range missiles.

“Obviously, he has to stay out of anything related to our politics or the election here. That’s true in any situation like this, where you’re dealing with a foreign leader,” Hoeven said. “The real key, though, today is that he met with senators on both sides of the aisle. And what we talked about, at least what I really want to talk to him about, is how do you get to an end to the war that works for Ukraine and what does it take.”

Eli Stokols and Lisa Kashinsky contributed to this report.

Volodymyr Zelenskyy hasn’t lost Republicans — but he’s on notice.

Even some Republican supporters of Ukraine on Capitol Hill said that the Ukrainian President had made a strategic error when he visited a weapons plant in Scranton, Pennsylvania, over the weekend and separately waded into the presidential race by calling JD Vance “too radical” in a recently published interview.

The visit to the plant drew rebukes from Speaker Mike Johnson, who condemned it as a partisan campaign event in solidarity with Democrats, while Zelenskyy’s comment on Vance further complicates his swing through the U.S. as he seeks to shore up support in the war against Russia.

Republicans are a key constituency for Zelenskyy to satisfy as the escalated conflict with Russia drags on into its second year with no end in sight. But the Pennsylvania visit — and provoking of Vance — may be a stumble for the Ukrainian president, who is already dealing with former President Donald Trump criticizing him for not making concessions to Russia.

And with the election less than two months away, Trump’s allies on the Hill and beyond are sensitive to any perceived slights against the former president, including the Ukrainian leader appearing at an event in a key battleground state with Democrats.

“I just think it’s a mistake for any foreign leader to get involved in our domestic politics, and Ukraine needs all the friends it can get — so I think it was an unforced error,” Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas) said in a brief interview. “I think he needs not to make that mistake again. We have geopolitical reasons to continue to support Ukraine, so I don’t think that’s going to change over one incident.”

But despite Republicans’ frustrations, most are not willing to abandon their support for the key ally over the episodes. Pressed on whether Republicans might reevaluate their support for Ukraine based on Zelenskyy’s recent moves, Cornyn shook his head: “Not on my part, and I think people who support Ukraine support Ukraine, not because of the personalities involved, but because of what it means to further Russian expansion in Europe.”

House Appropriations Chair Tom Cole (R-Okla.), a supporter of Ukraine aid, said Zelenskyy’s visit to Pennsylvania “was not helpful,” though he said it wasn’t discussed “very much” in lawmakers’ meeting with him Thursday.

“It’s never smart in any situation where you’re dealing with another country to get involved in this internal politics,” Cole said. “My advice to anybody would be to stay out of American politics. Don’t become an issue, particularly in a partisan election this close and in the final weeks leading up to it where, even if you’re absolutely innocent, anything you do can be taken out of context.”

Zelenskyy’s trip to the weapons plant, where Sen. Bob Casey and Gov. Josh Shapiro also appeared, has sparked House Republican investigations from some of Trump’s allies on the Hill, including Rep. Andy Biggs, and demands from Johnson that Zelenskyy fire his ambassador to the U.S. But those GOP lawmakers supportive of Ukraine’s fight against Russia — a hefty bloc of elected Republicans staunchly opposed more aid to the country previously — left Thursday meetings with the leader vowing to stay the course.

During a press conference in New York on Thursday, Trump said he plans to meet with Zelenskyy at Trump Tower Friday morning but also took the opportunity to dig at the Ukraine president over his comment that Trump doesn’t know how to win the war.

“I disagree with him. Well, he doesn’t know me, but, I will say this, I believe I will be able to make a deal between President Putin and President Zelenskyy quite quickly,” he said.

Trump lashed out at Zelenskyy on Wednesday for not making concessions to Russia, giving his strongest indication to date he would stop backing Kyiv if he wins the U.S. presidential election. Speaking at a rally in Pennsylvania, Trump told the crowd that any deal would be better than the situation Ukraine is currently in.

“We continue to give billions of dollars to a man who refuses to make a deal, Zelenskyy,” Trump said.

Trump has said many times that Russia wouldn’t have invaded Ukraine in 2022 if he was president and has claimed that he’ll negotiate an end to the war if he returns to the Oval Office, though during his debate with Harris he wouldn’t say if he wanted Ukraine to win.

On Thursday, ahead of his press conference in New York City, Trump posted a letter to social media purportedly from Zelenskyy requesting a meeting with him in the city on Friday.

Still, some of Ukraine’s Republican backers were ready to turn the page and put the emphasis on the current president’s narrowing window to help Kyiv.

“You hit him, he’s going to hit you back,” Graham said of Trump. “And we don’t need any more of that. What we need is a change in strategy. The war hinges on what Biden does this week, not what Trump may do.”

Several Republicans, of course, have long been skeptical of — and many have outright opposed — continued U.S. defense aid to Ukraine. Vance, has been among the most outspoken in suggesting the war in Ukraine is of little consequence to America.

At the White House, press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre suggested on Thursday that the GOP outcry was hypocritical, a transparent attempt to justify an opposition to backing Ukraine that is already deeply rooted.

Zelenskyy’s visit to Pennsylvania, Jean-Pierre told reporters, was “something the Ukrainians asked for.”

She pointed to the Ukrainian president’s July visit to Utah where he appeared with Republican Gov. Spencer Cox. “They did this a couple of months ago in Utah with a Republican governor,” Jean-Pierre said. “We didn’t hear any investigation request when he went to a Republican state.”

Lawmakers in both parties said that Zelenskyy ought to be afforded some latitude as he fights for the future of his country. Senate Foreign Relations Chair Ben Cardin (D-Md.) suggested there ought not to be so much pearl-clutching from some Republicans.

“Let’s not get overly politically sensitive here,” Cardin said in an interview. “Let’s give this guy a little bit of a break; he’s speaking out for Ukraine. He’s made very clear he’s not engaged in the politics of this country, so don’t draw him into them. It’s too serious of an issue.”

Sen. John Hoeven (R-N.D.) said Zelenskyy should stay above the political fray, but underscored the substance of the Ukrainian president’s bipartisan Senate meeting.

Zelenskyy previewed the contours of his victory plan for the war, Hoeven said, which focused on a request for more military extensive capabilities using money that Congress provided in April, rather than seeking more U.S. funding for the war effort.

In addition to his push for the Biden administration to ease restrictions on striking into Russian territory with U.S. weapons, Hoeven said Zelenskyy told them Ukraine needs more F-16 fighters and long-range missiles.

“Obviously, he has to stay out of anything related to our politics or the election here. That’s true in any situation like this, where you’re dealing with a foreign leader,” Hoeven said. “The real key, though, today is that he met with senators on both sides of the aisle. And what we talked about, at least what I really want to talk to him about, is how do you get to an end to the war that works for Ukraine and what does it take.”

Eli Stokols and Lisa Kashinsky contributed to this report.

The Secret Service didn’t testify Thursday before a House task force investigating the two assassination attempts against former President Donald Trump. But it’s the main focus of the panel’s first public hearing.

The House panel used a hearing with state and local law enforcement, as well as a former Secret Service official, to drill down into the decisions made in the lead-up to and during the July 13 shooting at Trump’s rally in Butler, Pennsylvania.

Rep. Mike Kelly (R-Pa.) set the tone during his opening statement, saying the shooting was not prevented “because of failures by the Secret Service.”

“The Secret Service was not assertive on key decisions,” Kelly said, comparing communications and messages through the various layers of law enforcement to “the old children’s game, telephone.”

State and local law enforcement officials described a lack of communication and guidance from the Secret Service, and said the agency appeared to lack key resources during the event. John Herold, who is with the Pennsylvania State Police, contrasted the resources for a Trump 2020 rally with the event earlier this year.

“The Secret Service did not have a lot of the resources that were in Butler for 2020, and this event on July 13 they seemed like they had a lot less resources,” Herold said.

The task force heard from two other local law enforcement officials who were in Butler on July 13: Drew Blasko and Edward Lenz, as well as Ariel Goldschmidt, the Allegheny County medical examiner, and Patrick Sullivan, a former Secret Service agent.

The officials were grilled on what communications they had with the Secret Service ahead of the rally. Both Lenz and Herold told the panel that they did a walk through of the rally site with the Secret Service in advance of July 13. The agency did not bring up how to secure the building where the gunman, Thomas Crooks, was able to access the roof, the witnesses said.

Lenz also told the committee that local law enforcement snipers didn’t receive guidance from the Secret Service about how to cover the building where the gunman ultimately was, and that he did not believe Secret Service agents could hear their radio communications on that day. The law enforcement officials also told the committee that they were not made aware of foreign threats against Trump, a reference to Iranian assassination threats.

Lenz also told the committee that, at 6:11 p.m., he ordered a quick-reaction force to deploy to the building where the gunman was and, prior to finishing that transmission, “you can hear the shots being fired through my open microphone.”

The task force has until mid-December to wrap up its work and issue a report on its findings and recommendations to prevent future violence against candidates. Its purview now also includes the second attempted assassination against Trump in West Palm Beach, Florida. The task force was expected to travel to Florida on Friday, but the trip was canceled as the state braces for Hurricane Helene.

The hearing comes a day after a Senate committee released an interim report that found sweeping errors by the Secret Service in the lead-up to and during the July 13 rally.

Reps. Eli Crane (R-Ariz.) and Cory Mills (R-Fla.) also testified to the committee on Thursday. The two GOP lawmakers have been part of a group of House Republicans who have been running their own investigation into the July 13 shooting after they weren’t tapped by leadership to join the task force. Unlike the task force, they do not have subpoena power, but said they would share any information they get with the House panel.

Crane, during his statement, said that they believe then-Secret Service Director Kimberly Cheatle lied when she testified before Congress earlier this year about why law enforcement was not placed on the roof, where Crooks ultimately fired his shots.

Crane added that he believed Trump should not go back to Butler, Pennsylvania, for a planned rally next month, and that the Secret Service should have tried to dissuade the campaign in the lead-up to July 13.

“I strongly suggest that he and his campaign avoid this site on Oct. 5 and in the future,” Crane said.

Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.) said Thursday he will no longer voluntarily cooperate with a House Ethics Committee investigation into his conduct, calling the probe “uncomfortably nosey.”

In a lengthy letter to the committee posted to social media platform X, Gaetz said he’s aware of a subpoena from the committee but that it has not yet been served to him. He “unequivocally” denied sexual activity with anyone under the age of 18 and said he had “not used drugs which are illegal, absent some law allowing use in a jurisdiction of the United States.”

Gaetz has denied wrongdoing. The Justice Department conducted its own investigation as part of a sex trafficking probe and, according to Gaetz’s lawyers and DOJ officials, decided not to bring criminal charges.

The lawmaker said the investigation seeks to remove him from office and smear his name. “Asking about my sexual history as a single man with adult women is a bridge too far,” he said.

Gaetz is an outspoken supporter of former President Donald Trump and represents a deep red seat in northwest Florida.

Rep. Clay Higgins (R-La.) infuriated many of his House colleagues with his since-deleted racist X post about Haitian migrants, prompting a top Black Democrat to introduce a measure to formally reprimand him that will likely see a floor vote.

Congressional Black Caucus Chair Rep. Steven Horsford (D-Nev.) is expected to force action on the censure resolution when the House returns after the November election. Disciplinary measures like censure can be “privileged,” meaning they can bypass committee on a fast track to the House floor.

And while it is unclear how many Republicans would back the resolution, at least one House Republican told POLITICO they plan to support it. Others said they were flabbergasted that Higgins refused to admit fault and that Speaker Mike Johnson side-stepped a public reprimand.

While Congressional Black Caucus members — and House Democrats, broadly — have voiced anger with Higgins’ social media language, the House can’t act on the censure resolution while the chamber is out of session. It’s also unclear if Democrats are going to use the post in the final month of the campaign to tie his words to other Republicans or make the post a campaign issue more broadly.

But Democrats still say they are incensed and want to seek punishment for him in Congress. Congressional Progressive Caucus Chair Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.) urged the bloc to support the censure against Higgins.

“We urge all of our colleagues in Congress to support the Congressional Black Caucus’ resolution censuring Representative Higgins and holding him accountable for his dangerous comments when the House returns in November,” she said in a statement.

Higgins had written a now-deleted post on the platform X — using his official congressional account — that called Haitians “wild” and added: “Eating pets, vudu, nastiest country in the western hemisphere, cults, slapstick gangster … but damned if they don’t feel all sophisticated now, filing charges against our President and VP. All these thugs better get their mind right and their ass out of our country before January 20th.”

He later doubled down that “it’s all true,” when asked by CNN about his now-deleted post. When asked for comment, Higgins’ office pointed to comments to reporters Thursday morning where Higgins said “you never want to intentionally hurt someone’s feelings” and said the post was “intended for Haitian gangs. I mean Haiti is a country, not a color.”

Higgins, who hails from the same state as the top two Republicans in House leadership, has seen a series of promotions with Johnson holding the gavel, including being named a GOP impeachment manager and a member of the highly-sought after Trump assassination task force, among other leadership nods.

If the effort falters when the House returns, Democrats might resurface it or find other ways to punish Higgins if control of the House flips. House censures have become more common in recent years. House Democrats censured Rep. Paul Gosar (R-Ariz.) last Congress after he posted an anime video depicting him committing violence against Democrats, and Republicans issued the formal reprimand to Reps. Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.), Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) and Jamaal Bowman (D-N.Y.) this Congress.

Rep. Rashida Tlaib called on Secretary of State Antony Blinken to resign in a Thursday social media post, citing a ProPublica story alleging he had rejected internal government findings about Israel blocking aid to Gaza.

“[Blinken] lied. People went hungry, and some died. He needs to resign now,” she wrote on X. Tlaib (D-Mich.), a progressive and the only Palestinian American in Congress, has been a vocal critic of the U.S. government’s policy towards Israel.

ProPublica reported earlier this week that Blinken had delivered a toned-down message to Congress in May that had contradicted internal government findings that Israel had blocked deliveries of humanitarian aid into Gaza amid the Israel-Hamas war. The internal findings, ProPublica reported, could have implications for U.S. military aid to Israel because of U.S. laws — which require an end to weapons shipments to countries that block U.S.-backed humanitarian aid.

The State Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Many lawmakers left Washington on Wednesday evening after funding the government through Dec. 20, but a bipartisan group of senators is due to meet Thursday morning with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy on Capitol Hill.

The session will include Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer and Minority Leader Mitch McConnell. Zelenskyy will meet with other top officials separately, like House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries and House Foreign Affairs ranking member Gregory Meeks (D-N.Y.).

The timing is delicate for Zelenskyy, as he faces GOP criticism over comments in which he called Republican vice presidential nominee Sen. JD Vance (Ohio) “too extreme” and investigations of a Pennsylvania weapons factory visit.

Zelenskyy is trying to shore up support and sell Washington on his strategy for victory in the conflict with Russia. For now, many lawmakers say the Ukrainian leader seems to have what he needs to keep up the fight. “Right now, he said he has what he needs,” said Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.), who met with Zelenskyy earlier in the week.

Senate floor recap: Schumer announced the next Senate vote would be Nov. 12 — and moved to end debate on two more judicial nominees. (Two judges for federal tax courts were confirmed by voice vote.)

In addition, senators cleared a bill renaming a federal building in San Francisco after the late Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.).

Senate Democrats keep talking about Texas and Florida.

As they look for alternative paths to keep the majority — with polling growing dismal for them in Montana — more and more Democrats are pointing to the two southern states as possible offensive targets.

Polls suggest tight races as incumbent Sens. Rick Scott of Florida and Ted Cruz of Texas fight for reelection. But ad spending is a zero-sum game, and both Florida and Texas are massive states with pricey media markets. Seriously competing in either would mean less for Democratic candidates in key battleground races that are sure to tighten in the final weeks.

And dividing spending between both Texas and Florida could mean failing to reach a critical mass in either place. But few Democrats are willing to provoke consternation by publicly picking one over the other. They want to have it all — a “two-state strategy,” as Sen. Tom Carper (D-Del.) called it.

“We should go for the gold, reach for the stars,” he said.

“I’m glad that we’re looking at not just one or the other, but both,” said Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.) “I don’t think it’s a matter of choosing,” declared Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), a former chair of the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee.

“We should take a positive view in both and invest in both,” said Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.).

“I’m bullish on Florida and Texas, and I want you to publish that,” Sen. Jon Ossoff (D-Ga.).

But behind the unified optimism, there’s little clarity on how to actually go after the two states. Sen. Gary Peters (D-Mich.), the chair of Senate Democrats’ campaign arm, has said he is looking at investing in both — but is quick to note that those decisions will be driven by a number of metrics, and there are plenty of other competing races Democrats need to fund.

“We’re looking at numbers, and we’re making investments where we think we get our best bang for our dollar,” Peters said. “They’re both great opportunities for us.”

Both states are large and heavily populated, with several of the country’s most expensive media markets — which will only get more costly as the election nears. That means Democrats would need to spend huge sums to launch credible offensives in Florida or Texas, especially if they try for both.

And even then money is no guarantee for success. Then-Rep. Val Demings spent some $49 million on ads in Florida in the 2022 midterms, according to AdImpact, a media tracking firm, and lost by double-digits. In Texas in 2020, Democrats collectively spent $43.8 million on ads, and MJ Hegar lost by 10 points.

When asked whether the party had sufficient resources to play in both states, the Democratic senators’ answers were less confident. Many said they weren’t sure what it would take to be truly competitive or that they trusted the DSCC and Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer to figure it out.

“It’s a resource issue,” Sen. Peter Welch (D-Vt.) said. “We’re trying to raise more money.”

Pressure is mounting on Democrats to figure out a strategy for going on offense in Texas or Florida — or, they claim, both — as Sen. Jon Tester’s (D-Mont.) reelection bid looks increasingly difficult. Polling has turned against him, and the state’s media markets are effectively maxed out. National Democrats have made no serious effort to flip any Republican seats, given the number of states they’re trying to defend. If Tester loses, Senate Republicans would almost certainly have an outright majority.

The sudden scramble to look at Texas or Florida is inspired by both the states themselves and the candidates. Democrats are excited about both Rep. Colin Allred of Texas and former Rep. Debbie Mucarsel-Powell of Florida, and Allred in particular has become a fundraising dynamo. And Cruz and Scott only narrowly beat back their opponents in 2018.

But national Democrats have largely stayed out of the two states this cycle. In Florida, for example, Scott has spent or booked almost $13 million on ads, while the Mucarsel-Powell campaign has put in $8 million, according to AdImpact. The Scott-supporting super PAC, Project Rescue America, has spent just under $3 million. In Texas, Cruz has millions in help from Club for Growth’s PAC, the state Republican Party and others — while Allred is effectively fending for himself.

The late attention is prompting some frustration from Democrats who wanted to see it months ago, when ad rates were more affordable.

“Late cash is inefficient cash. Democrats have not figured out the lesson that $100 million in the last 30 days isn’t as important as $20 million five months ago,” said Democratic Miami-based pollster Fernand Amandi. “We have seen this movie before.”

Kimberly Leonard, Nicholas Wu, Anthony Adragna and Katherine Tully-McManus contributed to this report.