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Progressive Democrats who’ve condemned Israel over its war offensive in Gaza are demanding that House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries do more to protect them against primary challenges from pro-Israel Democrats.

In a closed-door meeting at party headquarters last Thursday, the three lawmakers who lead the Progressive Caucus’ PAC met with Jeffries and Rep. Suzan DelBene (D-Wash.), the head of House Democrats’ campaign arm. They told the Democratic leader he needed to keep the influential American Israel Public Affairs Committee out of Democratic primaries.

In fact, the progressive leaders argued, Democrats’ efforts to recapture the House next year might depend on it.

“If we have to spend a lot of money to keep our incumbents in office, then that’s less money that gets spent on frontline districts and districts we can pick up, so it is a real problem,” said Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.), a co-chair of the PAC. “And that’s why it’s really important to be clear to AIPAC that they need to stand down and that we are going to vigorously defend our members.”

The Israel-Hamas war is forcing Jeffries to navigate a treacherous divide between pro-Israel and pro-Palestinian members just as he’s gearing up for a battle to retake the chamber next year.

Jeffries has committed that his party’s campaign arm will work to reelect incumbents who’ve harshly criticized Israel over its response to the Hamas attack last month. His vow comes as several of them, including Reps. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) and Cori Bush (D-Mo.), have drawn primary opponents backed by deep-pocketed groups aligned with Israel. Jeffries heard out the progressives’ concerns about AIPAC, a group that he still maintains close ties to, according to a person familiar with the conversation, and talked through the dynamics of several of the races.

Democratic Party divisions on the Israel-Hamas conflict are reverberating throughout the party. Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-Md.), who’s one of the co-chairs of the Progressive Caucus PAC, was apparently delayed to the meeting because of ceasefire protesters at his house — an example of how politics for pro-Israel progressives have been complicated by the outbreak of violence in Israel.

The moment is also an opportunity for Jeffries and other new Democratic leaders to shore up support on their left flank. Although they haven’t always been on the same page on the Israel conflict, with Jeffries staking out a more pro-Israel stance, progressives are willing to set aside their differences — if they get the necessary help.

Pennsylvania Rep. Summer Lee, a progressive first-term lawmaker facing a primary challenge, acknowledged that Jeffries had contributed financially to defending incumbents. But she urged him to do more.

“I hope that he will speak out as urgently and aggressively as those who are speaking out against us,” Lee said.

It was a call echoed by Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.), who said in a brief interview that with “the highly racialized targeting of many of these members, we absolutely need leadership that would defend our members from that.”

The meeting marked the second time in recent months that top progressives have gone to ask leadership for help. Progressives first asked Democratic leaders to clarify their position on protecting incumbents over the summer, after Jayapal dubbed Israel a “racist state.” Jeffries and his team reassured liberals at the time they would continue the policy of defending incumbents.

It’s not a controversial position in the party, even among Democrats who had been sharply critical of the party’s left flank on Israel-related issues. Rep. Brad Schneider (D-Ill.), who’d voted to censure Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.) over her criticism of Israel, acknowledged that Jeffries had “the responsibility to make sure we get to 218” but also “that we are supporting our members.”

Still, it’s unclear how much Jeffries can do to dissuade AIPAC and other pro-Israel groups. The United Democracy Project, a super PAC run by AIPAC, and DMFI PAC, which is run by Democratic Majority for Israel, are already ramping up for the 2024 cycle. UDP is running a negative ad against Lee in her district as well as an ad hitting Rep. Jamaal Bowman (D-N.Y.). Lee faces a credible primary challenge from Bhavini Patel, and Westchester County Executive George Latimer has been floated as a challenger to Bowman.

DMFI is also running an ad against Tlaib, the only Palestinian-American member of Congress, that highlights her criticisms of the Israeli government.

“These anti-Israel members, they’ve already crossed that threshold. So then the real question is, as I said before, is can we have an impact here?” said DMFI president Mark Mellman, describing how the PAC decides where to spend money.

Last cycle, DMFI PAC spent $7.5 million in independent expenditures, and UDP spent $26 million, according to OpenSecrets. United Democracy Project did not respond to a request for comment.

It’s not just House leaders who are signaling they’ll defend incumbents — the Black Caucus PAC is publicly committing to standing behind them, too. Several of the targeted lawmakers are members of the Congressional Black Caucus, which Bowman called “ a problem to me, because this is a country that historically has undermined Black leadership.”

“The [CBC] PAC has endorsed them already and we will support them the way we support all of our endorsed candidates,” said Rep. Gregory Meeks (D-N.Y.), the head of the CBC PAC.

Meeks said he hasn’t talked specifically to any of those members, many of whom are members of the CBC, about their primaries but plans to support them.

AIPAC’s heavy spending has particularly rankled Democrats, many of whom criticized the flood of outside money. The small-dollar fundraising that buoyed many progressive members in their first races has dried up this year, making them more vulnerable to primary challenges. Small-dollar fundraising, defined as donations under $200 apiece, is down for campaigns and committees across federal campaigns in both parties, giving extra influence to big-check donors and outside spending.

Bush, for example, only reported about $20,000 in cash on hand as of the most recent FEC filing deadline. She said she felt confident, though, about the support she had in her district, adding that she saw a bump in donations after her opponent, Wesley Bell, announced he was challenging her. She told POLITICO in an interview that on top of financial support, she wanted leadership to openly back her and to rebut attacks on her congressional tenure.

“The support is really the truth about what’s going on,” she said. “Because the thing is, people will try to smear this work.”

Rep. Mark Pocan (D-Wis.) a co-chair of progressives’ PAC, was particularly concerned by AIPAC’s spending in Democratic primaries given the group’s Republican donors.

“We just wanted to continue talking about how to make sure that an entity like AIPAC — if they don’t play in Republican primaries, they shouldn’t be playing with Democratic primaries,” he said of the group’s conversation with party leadership.

Ally Mutnick contributed to this report.

The Senate is sending a stopgap spending bill to the president’s desk, averting a government shutdown with days to spare.

The bill, which cleared the House Tuesday, passed in the Senate Wednesday night by a 87-11 vote. The vote was stalled for hours Wednesday evening over negotiations on defense policy legislation still on Congress’ to do list this year.

The stopgap bill uses a two-tiered deadline structure pioneered by Speaker Mike Johnson, which will keep part of the government open until Jan. 19, while funding for the military and some of the government’s biggest domestic programs will last through Feb. 2.

The idea is to stagger funding deadlines, which Congress notoriously struggles to meet, so lawmakers aren’t stuck with a massive 12-bill government funding bundle.

“I have good news for the American people: This Friday night there will be no government shutdown,” Majority Leader Chuck Schumer said in a floor speech shortly before passage.

Many senators originally scratched their heads over the “laddered” concept — but the measure eventually got the necessary support. Democrats, in particular, were pleased that Johnson didn’t pursue any funding cuts, and that he left defense in the second tranche of bills with the February deadline.

Some Republicans, though, still weren’t enthused about the length of the continuing resolution.

“I liked the Christmas date the best,” said Sen. Shelley Moore Capito (R-W.Va.). “But obviously this sounds like it’s congealing. So we’ll just live with it.”

The Senate has only passed three of its own 12 appropriations bills, which lawmakers did via one package, known as a so-called minibus. Senate appropriators are largely expecting to pursue more minibuses for the remaining nine bills, while they look to launch talks on a broader government funding agreement with House Republicans. Those conversations are sure to consume Congress in January.

Senate Appropriations ranking member Susan Collins (R-Maine) said she’s looking at bundling four appropriations bills together in the next package, including Labor-Health and Human Services, Defense, Energy-Water and Commerce-Justice-Science.

While the last minibus took nearly two months to pass, Collins hopes this one won’t be such a hassle.

“There was a lot of pent up demand for amendments on the first package and that’s why it took so long,” Collins said. “Now, I hope we can move more quickly. We’ve essentially lost two-and-a-half weeks.”

The House already canceled the remainder of their scheduled votes this week amid a conservative rebellion. But when lawmakers come back to town after Thanksgiving break, they’ll have to start thinking of conferencing spending bills if they have any hope of avoiding the January and February deadlines.

House conservatives are once again fuming after Johnson’s stopgap passed the lower chamber on Tuesday with mostly Democratic help. They’re now refusing to pass any more GOP spending bills until Johnson produces a plan to cut government funding for the fiscal year that began on Oct. 1.

Senate Democrats — and many Republicans — will not accept more slashing, preferring to stick to the debt deal struck between the White House and former Speaker Kevin McCarthy earlier this year.

Somehow, both sides will have to square their differences across a dozen spending bills in the new year. And Johnson is vowing to do no more stopgaps, meaning January and February could be hard deadlines to bridge the spending divide between both chambers.

Asked if she’s optimistic about passing the next tranche of bills, in the Senate at least, Collins simply replied: “We have to.”

“We’ve got to pass the rest of the bills in order” to start talking seriously with House Republicans, she said. “The topline is important, but if we don’t pass bills, then what are we going to be conferencing?”

Jennifer Scholtes contributed to this report.

The Senate will vote on the House-passed stopgap spending bill Wednesday night.

If it passes, that means Congress will achieve the rare feat of sending a shutdown-averting bill to the president’s desk with more than 72 hours until the funding deadline. Both Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer and Minority Leader Mitch McConnell have expressed support for the short-term funding legislation. It will require 60 votes to pass.

The Senate will first vote on an amendment to the bill brought by Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.), who had weighed objecting to passing the legislation quickly. Senators will then proceed to a full vote on the measure, followed by a vote that will designate who will serve on a conference committee that will negotiate the National Defense Authorization Act.

Sen. Roger Wicker is holding up the stopgap spending measure over negotiations around the annual national defense bill, senators said on Wednesday afternoon.

The Mississippi Republican, who is the ranking member on the Armed Services Committee, is seeking to enter into negotiations with the House on the National Defense Authorization Act. Senators were optimistic they could finish the spending bill on Wednesday and break early for Thanksgiving, but that requires agreement from all 100 senators.

And Wicker at the moment isn’t giving it.

Wicker “wants assurances that we’ll go to conference on the NDAA. It keeps getting kicked back more and more. So he sees a little point of leverage and he’s going to use it,” said Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas). “It’ll get resolved. We may not vote on it tonight, but it’ll get worked out.”

The NDAA is one of Congress’ remaining major outstanding items this year; the bill has passed every year for decades. Majority Leader Chuck Schumer said of the negotiations on voting on the stopgap: “We’re trying to get it worked out.”

Republican senators will again push to confirm military nominees Wednesday evening in a direct challenge to fellow GOP Sen. Tommy Tuberville and his blockade on promotions.

The move, according Sen. Dan Sullivan of Alaska, will be a repeat of an earlier Senate floor confrontation with Tuberville, who has opposed swiftly confirming hundreds of officers in a bid to force the Pentagon to overturn its policy of covering travel costs for troops seeking an abortion.

“I made a commitment to the men and women in uniform that I would continue to try to move them. I keep my commitments,” Sullivan said in a brief interview.

Sullivan said he, potentially alongside Sen. Joni Ernst and the other four lawmakers who challenged Tuberville on Nov. 1, would return for another Republican-on-Republican clash. The list of participants will depend on whose travel schedules will permit it, he said.

A day after Senate Rules Democrats advanced a measure aimed at skirting the holds, Sullivan said he was chagrined with a lack of progress overall.

“I would say [talks with Tuberville] are going good, we have a lot of ideas, but we haven’t resolved anything,” he said. “It’s frustrating.”

The Senate holds the fate of many weekend plans in their hands as they work to find a time agreement to speed toward vote on the House-passed stopgap spending measure.

But as of midday Wednesday, they’re not there yet.

“They’re working on it,” said Debbie Stabenow (D-Mich.), the No. 3 in Senate Democratic leadership. “I think it’s certainly on the way to getting done and it’s conceivable it could be later today.”

Senate Minority Whip John Thune (R-S.D.) also said he thinks the stopgap bill will go Wednesday. Majority Leader Chuck Schumer said Wednesday morning that he’s working with Minority Leader Mitch McConnell on reaching a deal. Schumer filed cloture on the bill Wednesday morning — and despite Speaker Mike Johnson’s wonky “laddered” construct, Schumer has offered minimal critiques of the legislation.

But conservatives could still stand in the way of any quick deal. Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) — notorious for threatening to withhold unanimous consent — hasn’t publicly made any promises to let the measure sail through. And if amendment votes come to the floor, it will significantly slow the process down.

The Senate is scheduled to be in session Thursday. But if lawmakers do manage to send the bill to the president’s desk Wednesday, they could leave town early ahead of the Thanksgiving holiday.

“It would be nice to wrap this up,” Stabenow said.

House lawmakers rejected a push to slash the salary of Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra as they considered spending legislation Wednesday prior to breaking for Thanksgiving.

The amendment, offered by Rep. Rich McCormick (R-Ga.), failed 162-262 with one member voting present.

Several other efforts to slash the salaries of President Joe Biden’s Cabinet officials have passed, notably including Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, even as none of the bills will become law in anything resembling their present form.

Another House Republican spending bill hit the skids Wednesday, as the chamber punted legislation to fund the departments of Labor, Health and Education until after the Thanksgiving break thanks to opposition from within their own party.

After voting on dozens of amendments to the Labor-HHS bill Tuesday night and Wednesday morning, GOP leadership announced they would not move forward on the bill itself.

“People want to get out of here, and they’d like to get out sooner rather than later,” Rep. Tom Cole (R-Okla.) the vice chair of the appropriations committee, told POLITICO. He added that had the vote gone forward, Republicans would have “lost a lot of votes.”

“The cuts are really big,” he noted. “It’s hard to move.”

It’s the latest setback for Republicans’ attempt to pass all 12 appropriations bills in the coming weeks. Bills to fund the Departments of Agriculture, Commerce, Justice, Housing, Transportation and the Food and Drug Administration met a similar fate after it became clear they didn’t have enough GOP votes to pass.

Speaker Mike Johnson and his allies, including several committee chairs, unsuccessfully lobbied Republicans this week to rally behind the Labor-HHS bill, arguing that another faceplant would raise the likelihood of getting jammed by Senate Democrats at the end of the year.

“If we want to afford to avoid an omnibus, we’ve got to pass our appropriations bills,” Rep. Michael Burgess (R-Texas) said Tuesday. “This is truly a unique opportunity and people ought to take it.”

Freedom Caucus members who huddled with Johnson on the floor on Tuesday — including Reps. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.) and Andy Ogles (R-Tenn.) — told POLITICO the new speaker asked them for “a little grace” and to trust his “plan to actually cut spending” by passing staunchly conservative spending bills that they can use as leverage in negotiations with the Senate.

But a handful of GOP holdouts from the more moderate side of the caucus were unconvinced.

“I represent my district and they don’t like that bill. So I would have voted against it,” Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pa.) told POLITICO, citing the bill’s “cuts across the board on it in a number of areas that I care about” and anti-abortion provisions that “have no place in any of these bills — zero.”

Fitzpatrick also rejected Johnson’s argument that passing the Labor-HHS bill would give Republicans more negotiating power down the line.

“You can’t pass a single-party bill here and expect it to navigate 60 votes in the Senate. It’s not real,” he said.

House Ethics Chair Michael Guest said Wednesday his panel’s report on Rep. George Santos should be out by “the end of the week” and won’t suggest a course of action for the indicted congressman.

But he expects another vote to expel the embattled lawmaker.

“We did not go through the longer process of coming forth and recommending sanctions because that would have taken several more months,” Guest (R-Miss.) told reporters. “The information that we intend to release in the report, [we believe] that that will be enough for members to be able to make a decision as to whether or not they believe it would be proper to expel Rep. Santos.”

Guest said he believes expulsion is “an extreme punishment should be used only in very rare cases” but that the report would give members enough information to decide how to vote when another expulsion vote is called.

He added of the Santos (R-N.Y.) investigation: “We wanted to make sure that we prioritize this. I think we’ve done that.”

The report’s release comes as many of Santos’ critics are already plotting another move to oust the first-term Santos, if the report is as damning as many expect it to be.

House Republicans tanked a GOP spending bill on Wednesday — marking a major setback for Speaker Mike Johnson less than 24 hours after passing a bill that would avert a shutdown.

GOP leadership then canceled the rest of the votes for the week, sending the chamber home early for a Thanksgiving recess.

Roughly 20 Republicans joined with Democrats to vote against allowing a funding bill covering the departments of Commerce and Justice, among other provisions, to come up for debate.

The bill faced obvious challenges over its funding levels for the Department of Justice and the FBI. Conservatives are eager to overhaul those agencies, which have been some of the House GOP’s biggest targets as they accuse parts of the federal government of blatant politicization.

But Republicans voting against even letting it come up for debate comes a day after Johnson leaned on Democrats to help pass a short-term funding bill — a move that angered his right flank and sparked talk of retribution.

Conservatives had explicitly discussed blocking bills from being able to come to the floor. With an exceedingly thin majority and Democrats not helping the majority party on basic governing votes, Johnson needs almost unanimous GOP support to start debate on a bill. Conservative hardliners used a similar tactic after then-Speaker Kevin McCarthy struck a deal with the White House on the debt ceiling that those members hated.

Rep. Andy Ogles (R-Tenn.), a member of the Freedom Caucus, warned that this could keep happening.

“I think it gets bumpy from here on out,” he said. “Anything and everything is on the table.”