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The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee announced it raised $12.3 million in December for a total of $28 million in the fourth quarter of 2023, POLITICO has learned.

The campaign arm highlighted that December total for House Democrats is $5 million more than the NRCC raised in the same month.

Notably the DCCC also raised $1.3 million more in member dues in 2023 than 2021, with a 13 percent increase in participation rate among members in dues for 2023 compared to 2021. Democrats have pushed lawmakers to pay their dues to the campaign arm as they try to flip control of the House.

“I am grateful for the leadership of Hakeem Jeffries and the entire House Democratic Caucus who have helped ensure that the DCCC will have the resources it needs to take back the majority to defend reproductive rights, stop extremism in its tracks, and help grow the middle class,” DCCC Chair Suzan DelBene said in a statement.

The White House is ratcheting up its attacks on House Republicans over migration at the border, aiming to turn their opposition to a deal to address the crisis into a political anvil for them.

In a memo expected to be released Wednesday, White House officials took aim at House Speaker Mike Johnson for holding up the administration’s border funding requests in the past as well as undermining the Senate effort now.

“Despite arguing for 6 straight years that presidents need new legal authority to secure the border, and despite claiming to agree with President Biden on the need for hiring more Border Patrol agents and deploying new fentanyl detection equipment, Speaker Johnson is now the chief impediment to all 3,” White House spokesperson Andrew Bates wrote in a strategy memo first obtained by POLITICO.

Some rank-and-file members have “outright admitted [to blocking a deal] for political purposes, after hearing from former President Trump,” he said.

The memo marks a significant uptick in rhetoric from administration officials. Immediately after former President Donald Trump came out against the Senate talks, the White House stayed largely silent in hopesof salvaging a bipartisan compromise.

The White House and House speaker now appear engaged in an effort to put responsibility on the other for failing to address the surge of migrants at the border. It’s come amid an uncertain fate for a potential Senate deal that would tie border policy to significant funding for Ukraine and Israel. Polls show Republicans have typically done better with the public on questions of which party has a better response to the border and immigration.

Johnson’s camp has blamed President Joe Biden for reversing Trump-era border regulations that led to an uptick in migrants crossing the border.

Bates in his memo listed four moments in which House Republicans have opposed Biden’s border asks, including fiscal 2022 and 2023 funding requests and two supplemental funding requests.

In response, Johnson’s office pointed to its own early January memo, arguing that, despite House Republicans providing plenty of funding for border security, Biden’s policies are the problem.

“In a desperate attempt to shift blame for a crisis their policies have induced, they have argued it’s a funding problem,” wrote spokesperson Raj Shah in that memo. “Clearly, they have no facts to back up their claim.”

Johnson said the package doesn’t do enough to address the border and rejected the idea that he’s opposing it because Trump does.

The Senate has yet to unveil details of their negotiations, but Johnson last week declared the measure “dead on arrival” in his chamber based on his knowledge of the proposal. The White House is now trying to take advantage of the GOP’s opposition.

Johnson and other Republicans, including former president Trump, say legislation is not needed to resolve the border crisis and that Biden has executive authority he is not using. But Trump, as president, requested similar authorities that Biden is asking for now. And the House GOP position a few weeks ago was that the Senate should take up the House’s conservative border legislation, H.R. 2.

Sen. James Lankford (R-Okla.), the lead Republican in the negotiations, has blasted members of his own party for opposing a potential border agreement because of politics.

“Republicans four months ago … locked arms together and said, ‘We’re not going to give you money for this. We want a change in law,’” Lankford said on Fox News Sunday. “A few months later, when we’re finally getting to the end, they’re like, ‘Oh, just kidding. I actually don’t want a change in law because it’s a presidential election year.’”

Johnson’s promise that any Senate border deal would die in the House has all but sealed its fate. But it has also undermined what tenuous Republican support existed in the Senate, making it uncertain that any agreement would reach that chamber’s floor.

The Senate plan — the text of which has not been released — is expected to speed up the asylum process as well as require the U.S. to close the border if more than 5,000 migrants cross on any given day.

George Santos’ campaign committee still owes more than $150,000 to over a half-dozen vendors after the former New York congressman was expelled in December.

Newly filed campaign finance reports also show the disgraced Republican used campaign cash for more than $1,300 on meals at the Capitol Hill Club just days after he was kicked out of Congress.

Santos was expelled from Congress last month after facing a barrage of scandals, including allegations that he lied about much of his life while campaigning, made unauthorized charges on campaign donors’ credit cards and fraudulently claimed unemployment benefits during the Covid-19 pandemic. He has been indicted on more than 20 charges, and has pleaded not guilty.

His former campaign treasurer, Nancy Marks, pleaded guilty to fraudulent reporting last fall.

Leaving Congress has hardly ended Santos’ campaign finance woes, however, and his campaign committee remains active although he is not seeking election this year.

The committee’s latest report, filed Wednesday morning, underscores the financial mess that Santos’ campaign wrought. The campaign reported that it owes more than $16,000 to WinRed, the online payment processing platform, a debt not listed in his previous filings. In total, the campaign reported owing $155,000 to the platform, a handful of former staffers, legal and fundraising firms and an Italian restaurant in Queens.

The report also continued to list $715,000 that is owed to Santos by the campaign. Prosecutors have alleged that Santos never loaned his campaign that money to begin with.

Expenses reported by Santos’ campaign in the fourth quarter included nearly $2,200 spent at the Capitol Hill Club, a private social club for Republicans located next to the Republican National Committee’s headquarters, over three visits, including the more than $1,300 spent on Dec. 4, after he was expelled. Other expenses were largely for compliance consulting and payments to WinRed.

Santos’ campaign also reported taking in a bit more than $11,000 over the fourth quarter, but indicated that contributions designated for the 2024 general election had since been refunded to the donors. Several of the contributions appeared to be from recurring online donors.

A special election for Santos’ seat, which spans from northern Queens to the North Shore of Long Island, will take place next month, with former Rep. Tom Suozzi, a Democrat who held the seat before Santos, facing Republican newcomer Mazi Pilip.

GOP infighting and indecision is already threatening to disintegrate the border deal, even before Senate negotiators release the long-awaited bill text.

As senators returned for a critical two-week sprint in D.C. before a lengthy recess, Republicans are starting to doubt whether the agreement — which would be tied to billions in foreign aid — can pass their chamber. GOP leaders first set out to find a compromise that could win a majority of Republican senators over, but that’s only grown more challenging as conservatives, Speaker Mike Johnson and former President Donald Trump hammer the deal.

Asked if the agreement appears to be on a path toward passing the Senate, Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas) replied: “It certainly doesn’t seem like it.”

“There are a number of our members who say, ‘Well, I’ll join a majority of the Republicans but if it doesn’t enjoy that sort of support, then count me out,’” Cornyn said in an interview. “The whole idea of passing something that the House won’t even take up is another challenge.”

There are two main reasons for the growing questions about the bill’s future: Trump’s attacks and Johnson’s vows not to take it up. And the two seem related; Johnson said Tuesday he had talked to Trump about the issue “at length” though he denied they are opposing it for political reasons.

It’s a frustrating nadir for a senators in both parties, who have spent more than three months trying to connect an immigration and border deal with billions in Ukraine funding. Republicans, including Johnson, explicitly demanded that Ukraine funding can’t move before border security policies. Now, it seems they’ve cooled on any bipartisan deal at all, and are instead demanding that Biden use his existing executive powers to secure the border.

Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) said that Johnson is trying to kill the bill in the Senate so he doesn’t have to deal with his own complicated politics.

“He would probably love for this to die in this Senate so that he doesn’t have to answer to his members who want Ukraine funding,” Murphy said.

And Johnson’s position has a real effect on Senate Republicans, who may need to provide a dozen or more votes just to clear the 60-vote threshold — depending on how many Democrats defect. But it needs more GOP votes than that for any hope of moving the House.

Those dynamics have raised a persistent and frustrating question among some plugged-in Republicans: Will this even come to the Senate floor?

“The very people who demanded that we have something on the border as part of the supplemental, suddenly all these months later say they don’t want something on the border,” said Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.), who hasn’t committed to voting either way. “The fact, by the way, that the House may not take it up even if we do pass it. That’s not irrelevant. Why would a bunch of us spend political capital on a cause that can’t pass?”

Cramer praised Sen. James Lankford (R-Okla.) for leading negotiations on a deal and keeping the conference informed, lamenting that “now a bunch of Republican senators are throwing him under the bus because it’s more convenient politically than explaining the merits of it.”

Johnson and conservatives have criticized the agreement for not automatically kicking in the border shutdown authorities until migrant encounters crest an average of 5,000 per day. Meanwhile, the text of the bill is still under wraps, allowing the party’s right flank to continuously rile up the base by speculating the legislation will only be a boon to Democrats.

Sens. Rick Scott (R-Fla.) and Ron Johnson (R-Wis.) were among the senators on Tuesday criticizing the agreement and Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell’s leadership. McConnell appointed Lankford to lead the Republican negotiations.

Sen. Mike Rounds (R-S.D.) indicated that Russia could be behind some of the messaging against the bill: “I suspect that a lot of the internet rumors are very well coming from overseas, where they would love to see this shut down because some people would rather not see funding for Ukraine.”

“You’ve got a narrative out there that is taking hold, not really founded in facts. But I think at some point unless you’re able to win the debate based on the merits of the policy, that the hill is getting steeper,” said Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.), a Lankford ally.

Several members of GOP leadership were noncommittal on Tuesday about the legislation amid the fierce political crosscurrents, and Sen. Steve Daines (R-Mont.), who runs the party’s campaign arm, said he’s heard some “real concerns” from constituents. Sen. Shelley Moore Capito (R-W.Va.) said senators are “really anxious” to see the actual text and that she couldn’t divulge her leaning until then.

“People ought to wait and see all the provisions that James [Lankford] has negotiated. And then they’ll realize that it’s an enormous improvement over the current crisis,” said Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine).

Yet even when text comes out, Sen. Roger Wicker (R-Miss.) said it will have “to be public for quite a long time” before it can advance. The Senate is scheduled to go on a two-week recess at the end of next week.

Majority Leader Chuck Schumer has repeatedly suggested a vote could take place soon. Meanwhile, a House committee is working to advance articles of impeachment against Department of Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas, who consulted closely with Senate negotiators.

“Are they going to impeach him because people are coming across the border? Then pass the goddamn bill,” said a frustrated Sen. Jon Tester (D-Mont.). “Then you might have some talking points if he doesn’t follow through on it.”

Ursula Perano contributed to this report.

The House passed legislation Tuesday that would increase penalties for undocumented immigrants who flee from border security agents using a motor vehicle by a 271-154 vote.

Fifty-six Democrats backed the measure.

The legislation, sponsored by border-state Rep. Juan Ciscomani (R-Ariz.), would expand those penalties if the chase results in death or serious injury — and would make any immigrant convicted of such a crime ineligible for legal status in the U.S.

The bill is named after Border Patrol Agent Raul Gonzalez, Jr., who passed away in 2022 after his vehicle crashed while pursuing several undocumented immigrants fleeing police.

The action comes amid ongoing hostility among some Republicans toward an emerging Senate border security compromise recently endorsed by President Joe Biden.

House Intelligence Committee members got a multi-hour briefing on Tuesday from two senior administration officials on the attack by Iran-backed proxies in Jordan that killed three U.S. service members and wounded dozens more.

CIA Director Bill Burns and Director of National Intelligence Avril Haines briefed panel lawmakers. Prominent attendees for at least part of the session included Speaker Mike Johnson, Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries and Republican Conference Chair Rep. Elise Stefanik (R-N.Y.).

“I’m a big fan of disproportionate responses,” said committee member Dan Crenshaw (R-Texas) following the briefing. “There’s a lot of, soft-handed commentators out there that say, ‘That’s escalatory, you’re gonna get us into World War III.’ And they don’t know anything about foreign affairs, and they certainly don’t know anything about war.”

He added: “Once you’ve killed your service members, you’ve crossed some serious lines.”

Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi (D-Ill.), another panel member, pronounced himself satisfied that the Biden administration is looking carefully at the full range of possible responses.

“Our adversaries need to know that we’re prepared and capable to strike decisively, and we will,” he said following the briefing. “And we’re going to do everything we can to protect our men and women from harm.”

More than 100 congressional offices are already using artificial intelligence for everyday tasks — such as writing constituent correspondence, handling member scheduling and drafting legislation.

And lawmakers and staff alike are hungry to find more ways to harness AI.

That could include ways to ease the workload of overburdened staffers, help with research, write bills and summaries and extend constituent outreach capabilities. Essentially, the Hill is eyeing ways to build staff capacity without actually expanding the payroll.

Congress may be notorious for lagging behind as the world embraces new technology — from then-Sen. Ted Stevens calling the internet a “series of tubes” back in 2006 to lawmakers’ slow-footed approach to adopting email back in the 1990s.

But lawmakers are determined that when it comes to AI, things will be different.

“AI won’t replace humans,” Rep. Bryan Steil (R-Wis.), the House Administration Committee chair, said in an interview. “But humans that use AI could replace those who aren’t using AI.”

Still, even lawmakers who favor innovation know AI comes with risks. There are concerns that an overreliance on AI could lead to cybersecurity problems, from national security risks to looser restrictions on private constituent data. Officials admit it may be a while before AI can be leveraged for anything involving sensitive or personal information.

“We’re talking about balancing the risks that come with any new technology to make sure we have appropriate safeguards in place and to make sure we’re leveraging the benefits of AI and protecting ourselves from any downside risk,” Steil said.

To that end, Congress is working to build early guardrails for AI use. The House’s Chief Administrative Office is expected to unveil a draft policy for AI use across the House in the next two to three months, according to Deputy CAO John Clocker, who said at a committee hearing Tuesday that while AI has “transformative potential,” offices have to be “extraordinarily cautious before we integrate AI tools.”

“Adversaries will also use these tools to try to harm the House,” Clocker warned the Administration Committee.

The House’s policies will be based on the National Institute of Standards and Technology’s AI Risk Management Framework, but tailored by CAO for what Rep. Barry Loudermilk (R-Ga.) referred to as the “very complicated ecosystem” of the House.

While the House may adopt broad guardrails for AI usage, management of each office will remain up to individual members and their appetite for innovation, experimentation and risk. Some lawmakers already have ideas for ways to harness it for themselves and their staff.

Rep. Morgan Griffiths (R-Va.) envisions being able to listen to audio versions of reports or bill text on his drive to Washington, he said at the committee hearing. Rep. Norma Torres (D-Calif.) wants to know how AI can help her district staff to wade through overwhelming loads of constituent casework while protecting people’s personal information.

Congressional use of AI is in early stages, but so are major AI programs outside the public sector. The current plans to take advantage of it for lawmakers represent a rare example of Congress adopting a technology while it’s still being honed and developed.

“It does hallucinate,” Clocker said of AI’s inconsistencies. “It is confident, even though it is hallucinating.”

Already, more than 200 staffers in 150 House offices, plus committees, are participating in a pilot program using Chat GPT+ for everyday tasks, such as scheduling, constituent correspondence and bill summaries.

Currently, the most popular use of ChatGPT+ is to produce a first draft of testimony, a statement or a speech, before staffers bring it to its final form — editing the AI version to integrate voice and verve that AI can’t yet achieve.

While the House has been in talks with other generative AI platforms, including Google’s Bard and Microsoft’s Copilot, OpenAI’s ChatGPT is the only company so far that has made a commitment to protect House and member data. That includes commitments to not use that data in training their models or sharing it with other customers.

The CAO’s office is evaluating other providers. But without accepting the House’s terms for data protection, the paid license version of ChatGPT+ is the only House-approved AI provider.

The Senate is not as far along in its experimentation with AI use, though the upper chamber did establish a working group late last year and has issued some guidance to offices involved in pilot efforts. The chamber’s top cybersecurity officials determined that OpenAI’s ChatGPT, Google’s BARD and Microsoft’s Copilot stand a “moderate level of risk if controls are followed.”

For now, Senate officials have limited use of the technology to research and evaluation purposes — and only using non-sensitive data.

House Republicans took a critical step early Wednesday toward impeaching Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas as they project confidence they’ll be able to recommend booting the Cabinet official on the House floor.

The House Homeland Security Committee voted 18-15 to advance articles of impeachment, which accuse Mayorkas of “breach of trust” and “willful and systemic refusal to comply with the law.” The vote paves the way for the impeachment articles to come to the floor next week — depending on absences and if Republicans can shore up a swath of undecided members.

Chair Mark Green (R-Tenn.) has publicly been cagey about whether he’ll ultimately be able to impeach Mayorkas. But he was overheard Monday night saying that he has the votes — a prediction he also made during a recent TV interview.

However, it’s still not clear they currently have the necessary near-unanimous support. Given united Democratic opposition and an incredibly thin majority, Republicans can only afford to lose two votes at full attendance. Green is expected to meet with some of the holdouts this week. And Majority Whip Tom Emmer (R-Minn.) said leadership will also check in with members this week, but that he “imagined” they will ultimately have the votes.

Impeaching Mayorkas from office would be a historic step — a Cabinet official has only been impeached once before, in 1876 — but would certainly end without a conviction in the Democratic-controlled Senate. Lawmakers in the upper chamber are currently trying to negotiate a border security deal with the Biden administration, including Mayorkas, which House Republicans have repeatedly signaled they plan to spike.

“We are here today not because we want to be but because we have exhausted all other options. … Secretary Mayorkas’ actions have forced our hand,” Green said during Tuesday’s committee meeting.

Republicans’ charges against Mayorkas include: He didn’t uphold immigration laws, exceeded his authority, risked public safety, made false statements to Congress and obstructed congressional oversight as well as the construction of the U.S.-Mexico border wall.

Mayorkas, in a letter to Green on Tuesday morning, called those allegations “baseless and inaccurate.” And he defended the department, saying that DHS has “provided Congress and your committee hours of testimony, thousands of documents, hundreds of briefings and much more information that demonstrates quite clearly how we are enforcing the law.”

The right flank has exerted intense pressure on House Republicans to impeach President Joe Biden or a top administration official. A previous attempt to impeach Mayorkas last year failed, when firebrand Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) forced the matter to the House floor. Eight GOP lawmakers voted to refer the matter to Green’s committee, which was already conducting a long-term investigation into Mayorkas.

Most of those eight are expected to back impeaching Mayorkas now. But Republicans view two as their most likely “no” votes: Reps. Ken Buck (R-Colo.) and Tom McClintock (R-Calif.). McClintock told reporters Tuesday that he was waiting to see what came out of the committee, but has previously warned that he didn’t think Mayorkas’ behavior met the bar of an impeachable offense. Buck, meanwhile, described himself as a “lean no.”

And there are other undecided votes outside those eight, as well, including Reps. Dan Newhouse (R-Wash.) and David Joyce (R-Ohio). Newhouse told POLITICO on Monday night that he was waiting to see what came out of the committee, while Joyce is expected to meet with Green on Wednesday.

But leadership picked up at least one notable flip on Monday night when Biden-district Rep. Don Bacon (R-Neb.), who had been undecided, told reporters that he would now back impeaching Mayorkas.

“I think there’s been a dereliction of duty. There’s laws that have not been complied with and we’re suffering one of the worst crises in our country,” Bacon said.

Many of those holdouts had expressed skepticism that investigators have met the bar of a high crime or misdemeanor, a concern shared by legal scholars. Democrats have staunchly opposed attempts to impeach Mayorkas, laying out that argument in a 29-page report they released on Monday pre-butting the committee’s vote.

“House Republicans have produced no evidence that Secretary Mayorkas has broken the law. This is a political stunt and a hit job ordered by two people: Donald Trump and Marjorie Taylor Greene,” House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries told reporters on Monday.

Olivia Beavers contributed reporting.

JEFFERSON CITY, Mo. — Former U.S. Sen. Jean Carnahan, who became the first female senator to represent Missouri after she was appointed to replace her husband following his death, died Tuesday. She was 90.

Carnahan, a Democrat, was appointed to the Senate in 2000 after the posthumous election of her husband, Gov. Mel Carnahan, and she served until November 2002, having lost a special election that month to Republican Jim Talent.

“Mom passed peacefully after a long and rich life. She was a fearless trailblazer. She was brilliant, creative, compassionate and dedicated to her family and her fellow Missourians,” her family said in a statement.

Her family did not specify the cause of death but said Carnahan died after a brief illness.

Carnahan was born Dec. 20, 1933, in Washington, D.C., and grew up in the nation’s capital. Her father worked as a plumber and her mother as a hairdresser.

She met Mel Carnahan, the son of a Missouri congressman, at a church event, and they became better acquainted after sitting next to each other at a class in high school, according to information provided by the family. They were married June 12, 1954.

Jean Carnahan graduated a year later from George Washington University with a bachelor’s degree in business and public administration, and they later raised four children on a farm near Rolla, Missouri.

She served as first lady of Missouri after her husband’s election as governor in 1992 and through his two terms.

On Oct. 16, 2000, the governor; the couple’s son, Roger (also known as Randy); and an aide, Chris Sifford; died in a plane crash on the way to a campaign event. The governor’s son was flying the twin-engine plane, and a subsequent federal probe found that he became disoriented while trying to fly through rain, darkness and fog.

After Mel Carnahan was elected posthumously three weeks later over incumbent Republican Sen. John Ashcroft, acting Gov. Roger B. Wilson appointed Jean Carnahan to fill the seat left vacant by her husband’s death.

“They were a team,” Wilson said in announcing his intention to appoint her. “There is really no other person that has been near all of the critical issues as much as she has.”

She served from Jan. 3, 2001, to Nov. 25, 2002. In 2002, Carnahan drew 48.7 percent of the vote in the special election to officially fill out the term to Talent’s 49.8.

”Most people get to Washington by winning something,” she was quoted in the New York Times in 2001 about serving in the Senate. ”I, of course, ended up there because I lost something. But I can tell you I’m getting along just fine. People come up to me, strangers even, and give me a big hug and tell me, ‘You can do it.’ And I’ve found I can. And I enjoy it and I’m proud and honored to serve.”