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The U.S. should threaten to sink Iranian ships if the Houthis keep attacking American troops in the Red Sea, a Armed Services GOP senator recommended Friday.

In a letter to President Joe Biden, Sen. Dan Sullivan (R-Alaska) argued the Iran-backed, U.S.-designated terrorist group in Yemen has not been deterred from targeting commercial ships, despite numerous U.S. attacks to destroy their capabilities. The only way to stop the Houthis’ assaults, Sullivan wrote: Let Iran know it would face direct consequences for continued violence.

“Tell Iran that the next Houthi missile or drone launched at an American ship will result in the sinking of Iran’s spy ships that target our Navy,” the senator wrote in the letter. “If we ever expect Tehran to call off its terrorist proxies and make deterrence more than a temporary respite, Iran must be made to pay a price.”

Sullivan’s demand comes after a SASC hearing last week where Gen. Erik Kurilla, chief of U.S. Central Command, said Iran was not deterred from assisting Houthi strikes on U.S. military and civilian targets.

“They are not paying the cost,” he said. “There has to be cost in position on Iran.”

Last week, the Houthis struck a commercial vessel, killing three of its crew members. In a separate attack two days later, American forces also shot down 28 drones and missiles. No U.S. or allied vessels were damaged.

Sullivan suggested Kurilla could order attacks to sink Iranian vessels after such an event, since Iran is arming and financing the Houthis. The general said that wasn’t accurate and that Biden would have to issue an order for the operation.

Sullivan asked the CENTCOM commander if he had recommended sinking Iranian ships to Biden. “I provide options ranging everything from cyber to kinetic,” Kurilla answered, “and I also identify the risk of escalation and all of those options.”

A federal judge on Thursday denied Sen. Bob Menendez’s claim of legislative immunity from the initial four corruption counts against him.

Menendez had claimed he couldn’t be prosecuted because of the Constitution’s Speech or Debate Clause, which protects members of Congress from prosecution over legislative acts. He also argued that the indictment violated the separation of powers doctrine.

“The Court rejects Menendez’s argument in full, finding that none of the allegations … are protected by the Speech or Debate Clause,” Judge Sidney Stein wrote.

Stein did not rule on Menendez’s arguments that the case should be dismissed based on the 2016 Supreme Court’s decision vacating a corruption conviction against former Virginia Gov. Bob McDonnell, which narrowed the definition of “official acts.”

The trial is scheduled on May 6. Since Menendez filed for the dismissal on Jan. 10, a grand jury has added 12 additional corruption counts against him as well as new corruption allegations.

“While we are reviewing today’s ruling and considering our legal options, the court’s decision makes clear that the jury will have the final say on the government’s allegations,” Menendez lawyer Adam Fee said in a statement. “As we have said since day one, the Indictment is a gross distortion of reality, and we continue to have full confidence that a jury will see the truth: that Senator Menendez did nothing wrong. We look forward to proceeding to trial, where we intend to clear the name of this devoted lifelong public servant.”

Context: Menendez was initially charged with four counts of bribery, fraud and acting as an unregistered foreign agent in an alleged scheme in which he traded official actions for cash, gold bars and a car for his wife Nadine, who is one of several co-defendants.

Among the initial charges was the allegation that Menendez sought to aid Egyptian government and help another co-defendant, Wael Hana, secure a lucrative, exclusive Halal certification contract in exchange for bribes, and seeking to interfere with state and federal prosecutions of two other co-defendants through weighing in on the appointment of New Jersey’s top federal prosecutor and putting pressure on the state’s top prosecutor.

Menendez claimed that the allegation that he sought to influence who became the next U.S. attorney in order to influence a federal criminal case against a co-defendant, developer Fred Daibes, was charging him for a legislative act immune from prosecution.

“While the recommendation by a Senator may play a role in who the President later nominates to be an officer, the recommendation itself is not a constitutionally mandated function of a Senator,” Stein wrote. “Therefore, the Court finds that a Senator’s prenomination activities — including information gathering in determining who the Senator is considering for recommendation to the President plus the recommendation itself — are not legislative acts.”

Stein also rejected the argument that Menendez’s actions on approving foreign to Egypt and disclosing sensitive information to the Egyptian government were also constitutionally protected from prosecution.

“[W]hile Menendez’s performance of the above-described legislative acts concerning the Egyptian Aid Scheme is protected by the Speech or Debate Clause, his promise to do the same is not,” Stein wrote.

History: Menendez was indicted for another alleged corruption scheme in 2015 and also unsuccessfully sought to dismiss those charges based on the Speech or Debate Clause and separation of powers doctrine, which Stein noted. Menendez beat the charges in 2017 thanks to a hung jury.

Politics: One big question hanging over Menendez is whether he will seek reelection. He has declined to say so, but NBC reported Thursday that he is considering running as an independent so he can try raising money for his legal defense. Menendez refused to answer the news outlets questions.

“I don’t have to declare what I am doing. When I do, everybody will know,” Menendez said.

Speaker Mike Johnson is planning to hold a vote next month on a stand-alone bill to reauthorize a controversial spy power, he told POLITICO in an interview Thursday.

It appears to be the first time Johnson has specified a timeline for bringing back up a floor vote on a bill to reauthorize Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. He’s already had to punt on the legislation two times, given deep divisions within his own ranks, and Republicans acknowledge persistent splits over the issue haven’t faded.

Congress has until April 19 to extend or make changes to the foreign surveillance power, which targets non-citizens outside of the United States but has come under fire because of its ability to sweep in American information.

“The current plan is to run FISA as a standalone the week after Easter,” Johnson said during an interview at the GOP retreat at the Greenbrier resort in West Virginia. That timing would put a vote the week of April 8, when the House is slated to return from a two-week recess.

That commitment runs contrary to some fears that Johnson might attach a short-term extension of Section 702 to a government funding bill that leaders hope to clear next week. That possibility has caused significant heartburn for privacy hawks, who are hoping to make changes to the current law before reauthorizing.

During the interview, the speaker said his current plan is to stick with legislation that was negotiated by leadership and members of the Judiciary and Intelligence committees.

Under that deal, Republicans on the two committees were expected to get amendment votes on their biggest priorities that weren’t included in the bill. But Johnson pulled the bill after Republicans on the Intelligence Committee threatened to block it from getting to the floor, citing two amendments proposed by privacy hawks. Those sticking points haven’t been resolved.

“The current deliberation is how to handle the two major amendments that are still pending,” Johnson said, referring to the two amendments.

One of those proposals would require a warrant, with some built-in exceptions, before searching the data for any information related to Americans — a higher standard that security advocates argue would neuter the authority. The second amendment would prevent data brokers from selling consumer information to law enforcement.

Senate Commerce Chair Maria Cantwell isn’t ruling out an eventual vote on the House-passed TikTok bill that could eventually ban it from app stores. But she’s still considering possible changes to the text.

Cantwell (D-Wash.) said she hopes to move legislation “soon,” though she indicated she would prefer “more robust” legislation, like her own alternative proposal she unsuccessfully tried to add to a defense bill last year. That legislation would have empowered the Commerce Department to ban foreign-owned apps like TikTok. Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo has publicly backed that proposal.

“We were trying something a little more robust and long term, but we’ll consider this and hopefully we’ll figure out how to get the American people something that minimizes data collection and protects them,” she told reporters.

“We want something that’s constitutional that could do the job,” Cantwell said. “We haven’t heard from everybody.”

Asked about some of her former aides who are now lobbying on behalf of TikTok, Cantwell laughed: “I didn’t even know that.”

Cantwell indicated she hasn’t yet spoken to Majority Leader Chuck Schumer following the overwhelming bipartisan House vote on the TikTok bill, which would force the Beijing-based ByteDance to either sell it or face a ban from app stores. She also wanted to speak with the leaders of the Senate Intelligence Committee — Sens. Mark Warner (D-Va.) and Marco Rubio (R-Fla.) — both of whom have said they support the House bill.

WHITE SULPHUR SPRINGS, West Virginia — Speaker Mike Johnson told POLITICO that he expects to pass a future Ukraine assistance bill with Democratic votes, an acknowledgment of the persistent resistance to any new aid within the GOP.

Johnson said in a Thursday interview at the House Republican retreat that aid to both Ukraine and Israel could come up as one or even two separate bills. He said he anticipates it would happen using the House’s suspension calendar, which he’s used often in recent days to overcome pushback from his own party.

“I think it is a stand-alone, and I suspect it will need to be on suspension,” Johnson said of foreign assistance.

The Louisiana Republican added in clear terms that he sees no path to attaching the foreign aid to a larger spending bill to keep the government open.

The suspension calendar requires a two-thirds majority to approve legislation on the House floor — meaning Johnson would need a substantial number of Democratic votes. He has taken that approach with many contentious measures so far in his speakership.

He added in the interview that splitting Ukraine and Israel aid into two separate bills was “under consideration.”

The speaker’s remarks are the most definitive he has made so far on his plans for tens of billions of dollars in foreign aid that has languished in Congress for many weeks, even after the Senate cleared its own bipartisan package last month. They represent the clearest statement so far that Johnson plans to put Ukraine aid on the floor for a vote, despite significant disinterest in his own party in any new funding for Kyiv’s efforts against Russia.

The Senate confirmed Dennis Hankins to become ambassador to Haiti, as the Caribbean nation faces a crisis of gang violence and a vacuum of elected leadership.

The Senate voted 89-1 to confirm Hankins. John Kennedy (R-La.) was the only vote against.

A 38-year U.S. foreign service veteran, Hankins has worked in Sudan and Congo and served as ambassador in Mali and Guinea. He is currently a foreign policy adviser in the National Guard Bureau at the Pentagon.

Haiti is viewed as one of the toughest diplomatic postings. Earlier this week, the U.S. dispatched an elite unit of Marines to help secure the U.S. Embassy in Haiti as the country faces a turbulent political transition and widespread violence at the hands of powerful gangs. Nonessential embassy staff were airlifted out of Haiti last weekend.

Biden nominated Hankins back in May 2023 after the embassy had already been without a Senate-confirmed leader for 19 months.

The last ambassador, Michele Sison, ended her tour of duty in October 2021 after three years. And the former Special Envoy to Haiti Daniel Foote resigned in 2021 after disagreement with what he called the Biden administration’s “inhumane” deportation policy on Haiti.

This is the second time in recent months that the Senate has moved to confirm an ambassador as a nation erupted in crisis. Ambassador to Israel Jack Lew was confirmed with a tight margin on Oct. 31, weeks after the Oct. 7 Hamas attack.

WHITE SULPHUR SPRINGS, West Virginia — The head of the House GOP campaign arm has some advice for Republicans who aren’t sure how to handle Donald Trump in battleground districts: “embrace him.”

Rep. Richard Hudson (R-N.C.) isn’t personally pressuring anyone to do so, saying in an interview with POLITICO that candidates need to decide how to handle their own individual races. But generally, he said boosting the GOP’s presumptive presidential nominee is a winning strategy across districts.

“I was one of the first people that endorsed Trump this cycle, and I’m proud to run with him. I think he’s a net positive everywhere for us. So if somebody asked, I tell them, ‘embrace him, he’s our nominee.’ I mean, he’s wildly popular everywhere right now. He’s winning every battleground state,” Hudson said.

Top GOP leaders, including the House Republican Congressional Committee chair, have been bullish about their chances of retaking the majority at the annual GOP policy conference this week at Greenbrier Resort in West Virginia. They’ve cited President Joe Biden’s low polling numbers in battleground states and his struggles to address the influx of migrants at the border.

Hudson declined to say how many seats he predicts Republicans will win, calling such a question a “gotcha” if they fall short — likely remembering the embarrassment former Speaker Kevin McCarthy suffered after estimating the House GOP would win more than 60 seats in 2022, a “red wave” forecast that never materialized.

Both Hudson and Speaker Mike Johnson have so far avoided making any such grand claims, apart from projecting they will retain control of the chamber. Instead, Hudson merely said he thought they’d be fighting Democrats for “somewhere between 25 and 30 seats.” Johnson has said he believes as many as 37 races are in play this cycle.

To help win those seats, Hudson said the party needs to handle the abortion issue differently. In presentations to members and candidates, Hudson has recommended they clearly state their position on the matter, arguing that it was a “mistake” for the party to stay silent on it last cycle and allow Democrats to define their abortion stances.

“Last cycle, Democrats spent over $500 million telling voters what their voting position was. And Republicans kept quiet on it, and looking back on that — that was a big mistake,” Hudson said.

After doing some polling and hosting focus groups in battleground districts, he said Republican leaders concluded: “We don’t have a policy problem, we have a branding problem.”

“We have a wide variety of positions on this that range from states rights to some reasonable limits on abortion. So, we’re kind of across the spectrum, just like the American people are,” Hudson said.

House Republican leaders spent a reported $40,000 in January to replace the official pin given to all members to show they had been sworn into the 118th Congress — a midterm expense driven by a confluence of factors, including that members on both sides of the aisle didn’t like the color.

Behind the decision to throw out the pin issued to 435 lawmakers: politics. Republicans believed that the outgoing Democratic majority of the 117th Congress picked the bright green color in honor of the Green New Deal, a progressive policy conservatives revile.

“I heard some guys and gals grumbling that it’s an environmental tribute or something like that — which, hey, I like the color green, I have a lot of John Deere equipment in that color,” said Rep. Doug LaMalfa (R-Calif.), a rice farmer who serves on the committees on Agriculture and Natural Resources.

“But those of us in resource-based districts get really tired of how big environment groups are already kicking our heads in over how bad we are. … I think there’s some fatigue about the environment being used as a weapon.”

Those suspicions were echoed by more than a half-dozen other lawmakers, who were granted anonymity to share details of private conversations. It turns out the suspicions were right.

Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D-Calif.), who was chair of the House Administration Committee in the previous Congress, helped choose the pin design for the current Congress. The committee has jurisdiction over developing and issuing the pins.

She told E&E News she had, in fact, picked green for its environmental connotations.

“The first time I was chair of the committee, I asked kind of too late and was told, ‘It’s already been done, the sergeant-at-arms did everything,’” said Lofgren, referring to the House’s chief law enforcement officer. “So the next time I was chair, I decided I was going to ask in advance to be involved.”

She said the pins typically “all look kind of boring, and the other thing is, they’re either red or blue, and it’s like, OK, we divide up the country as red and blue — why don’t we do something that is not red and blue, but is neutral, right? And I thought, something that is a symbol for a clean environment. So I thought, green.”

Lofgren is now the ranking member on the House Committee on Science, Space and Technology and a co-sponsor of a nonbinding resolution expressing federal support to institute a Green New Deal.

Rep. Chellie Pingree (D-Maine), the ranking member on the House Interior-EPA Appropriations Subcommittee, upon learning of Lofgren’s motivations, said, “That makes me like it even more.”

Some ditched pins altogether

Pingree still wears the green pin, as does Lofgren and many other lawmakers.

While House members are required to wear official pins to move freely about the Capitol, gain access into restricted areas, and walk onto the House floor to vote and participate in legislative business, they don’t technically have to wear the pins issued at the start of the current Congress.

The pin they choose just have to have been issued by Capitol law enforcement, and long-serving lawmakers have an assortment to choose from in their personal collections.

According to current House Administration Chair Bryan Steil (R-Wis.), the problem with the green pin was that members weren’t wearing it — or any pin.

“I know a lot of members weren’t wearing them, and that puts a challenge on the police force,” Steil said in an interview, adding it was “a decision by the sergeant-at-arms” to change the color to something more members would want to display, for whatever reason — for politics or personal preference or otherwise.

Unlike Lofgren, Steil intimated he wasn’t closely involved in the redesign process but that he thought the new, dark blue pins “look great.”

This explanation — that it was the sergeant-at-arms’ decision to acquire new pins — at least partially contradicts previous assumptions that the House GOP majority had followed a year of historic congressional dysfunction by spending a massive amount of money on accessories based on a style preference.

“Every Congressional session we get a new pin — it’s our ID on the floor for the next 2 years. Today we’re getting a new pin, half way through the term because the @HouseGOP didn’t like the color,” Rep. Sean Casten (D-Ill.) tweeted at the time. “Big congrats to them on their first tangible accomplishment of the 118th.”

A representative from the House sergeant-at-arms did not return multiple requests for comment for this story, or for confirmation that the pin switch cost $40,000, as previously reported by Semafor and The New York Times.

‘I’m proud of my green one’

Rep. Joe Morelle of New York, now the top Democrat on the House Administration Committee, could not confirm Steil’s explanation because he said Democrats were not consulted about the decision.

Still, Morelle said, he did frequently have to tell colleagues last year not to wear “counterfeit pins” — badges individual members had had made by a third party they liked better for whatever reason.

“There were a number of members who had self-styled pins that they were wearing that hadn’t been issued by the House,” he said. “I encouraged a number of them not to wear pins that were not issued by the sergeant-at-arms, for security reasons.” Morelle did not specify whether these were Democratic or Republican colleagues, or both.

Pingree also said she heard rumors of “somebody who manufactured a bunch of pins on their own and were handing them out to people — one of my colleagues … someone who went somewhere and got their own pins because they didn’t like the green.”

Yet even with the distribution of new pins, complaints have persisted. Some lawmakers have questioned the quality control on the pins, saying they are flimsily made. Others are still incensed about the decision to issue replacements on principle.

Rep. Scott Peters (D-Calif.), when encountered recently in a Capitol Hill hallway, was visibly angry and shaking his lapel on which his green pin remained fastened. He said he “earned” his pin with each election to the House, and has, for every Congress, named his pin for the opponent he defeated.

In the 118th Congress, that name was “Corey” for Republican challenger Corey Gustafson.

“I feel very strongly we should stick by our security traditions,” he said. “I’m proud of my green one.”

Speaker Mike Johnson is running out of time to solve his Ukraine aid problem — with pressure mounting inside the Capitol and around the world.

If the speaker doesn’t quickly embrace a plan to approve long-stalled foreign assistance, lawmakers in his own party could force his hand by aligning with Democrats on maneuvers that would steer aid bills around him. But whatever plan Johnson does embrace will almost surely cost him with his deeply fractured GOP conference, whose tenuous two-vote majority is already requiring him to rely on Democratic votes to pass most major legislation.

The Louisiana Republican has signaled that the House won’t consider any foreign aid package until it finishes funding the rest of the government, reiterating that stance Wednesday night. Clearing a spending deal could happen as soon as next week, if Congress can manage to agree on a deal by its next shutdown deadline on March 22. With a lengthy recess scheduled right afterward, that timing could push any final agreement on foreign aid deep into next month, at the earliest.

Meanwhile, lawmakers in both parties warn that Kyiv can’t hold out much longer.

”Pushing it off past next Friday is reckless, and I’ve made that clear,” House Armed Services Chair Mike Rogers (R-Ala.) said, though he wasn’t optimistic about quick action.

Military officials warn Ukraine will run out of needed ammunition in a matter of weeks without an emergency aid bill, even as the Pentagon gets ready to send another $300 million worth of ammo, artillery rounds and missiles. As Congress prepares to leave Washington next week for a 17-day recess, the Polish prime minister and other foreign leaders are warning in increasingly bold terms that the speaker’s inaction risks resulting in mass casualties.

Johnson told reporters Wednesday evening that “we will work the will of the House, and that’s important.” But he demurred on timing.

“There is a right and wrong there — a good versus evil, in my view. And Ukraine is the victim here. They were invaded,” the speaker said. “We’re processing through the various options right now.”

Rep. Tom Cole (R-Okla.), chair of the House Rules Committee and the unofficial dean of the chamber’s GOP, predicted that: “Sooner or later, this is getting to the floor. … So we can either come together on a package of our own and put that on the floor, or have to live with whatever the discharge petition produces.”

Cole was referring to the two House petitions that would force votes on aid to Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan. One is Democrats-only so far, while another — with more conservative border security measures attached — counts more than a half-dozen GOP backers but less Democratic support. Neither is close to the critical mass of 218 signatures needed to force a vote, but they’ve already raised pressure on the speaker.

Rep. Don Bacon (R-Neb.), who is trying to get signatures on the second, bipartisan petition, said he has “personally” expressed to Johnson “a sense of urgency and that this is going to be part of our historical legacy.”

“I’m encouraging him that we’ve got to help out Ukraine now, and Israel, and the border,” Bacon said.

Johnson’s other options to act are sparse. National security committee leaders, led by Foreign Affairs Chair Michael McCaul (R-Texas), are discussing a still unclear plan to advance foreign aid. A House Republican aide familiar with those talks said the final product is likely to mirror the funding request Biden sent Congress for Ukraine, Israel and the Pacific in October, minus money he sought for the border.

Former President Donald Trump has suggested money to Ukraine should be structured as a loan, and some aid-skeptical Republicans are pushing Johnson to make that part of whatever he brings to a vote — although most of the money President Joe Biden requested would stay in the U.S.

Any foreign aid bill Johnson does call up risks alienating enough lawmakers in both parties that it only passes if attached to more sweeteners, such as a government funding plan.

Washington Rep. Adam Smith, the top Democrat on the House Armed Services Committee, said the speaker is stalling by insisting regular government funding bills should pass Congress before any extra foreign aid is approved. That means an aid package wouldn’t be debated until mid-April, as lawmakers work to close out spending bills before leaving town.

Even if a new House bill were to pass, lawmakers would need time to reconcile it with the aid plan that got 70 votes in the Senate last month.

“The choice that Mike Johnson faces at this point is binary: Give us a vote on the Senate bill, or abandon Ukraine,” Smith said. “He’s trying to pretend like he has a different option, but he doesn’t.”

Johnson told reporters on Wednesday that the bill the House ends up passing “may not look exactly like the Senate supplemental.”

If the House passed a new foreign assistance package, rather than the $95 billion Senate-passed package, the upper chamber would need a week to clear that legislation for Biden’s signature — or likely longer, given all-but-certain interest in changes.

“We don’t have time for all of this,” Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell said this week, calling on Johnson to “let the House speak” by taking up the Senate-passed measure.

House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries has also called for clearing the Senate foreign aid bill by the end of next week. He noted that the petition Democrats are circulating to force a vote on it has far more signatures than the bipartisan petition led by Reps. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pa.) and Jared Golden (D-Maine) to force a passage vote on an aid plan with border measures.

“It’s a reaffirmation,” Jeffries told reporters, “that the only clear path is to put the bipartisan, comprehensive Senate-passed bill on the House floor for an up or down vote, and it will pass overwhelmingly.”

Either attempt to circumvent GOP leadership will be tricky. Johnson is working to dissuade rank-and-file Republicans from signing either petition. But on the other side of the aisle, progressive Democrats are amplifying their calls for conditions on aid to Israel, and many are unlikely to sign onto a push for more funding to arm Israel without limits.

The longer Johnson waits, the more intense the political pressures will get in the run-up to Election Day. Assistance for Ukraine still enjoys bipartisan support in the House, but opposition to new funding has swelled among Republicans as Trump more vocally criticizes Ukraine aid.

“With the virulence with which the former president is interfering with the process, I worry about the more time that goes by,” said Sen. Chris Coons (D-Del.), chair of the panel that funds the State Department.

And even if Congress were to clear a multibillion-dollar aid package next week, the money won’t immediately boost Ukraine in fending off the Russian invasion, warned Rep. Mike Quigley (D-Ill.), a co-chair of the Congressional Ukraine Caucus.

“Bottom line, the pipeline is nearly empty,” Quigley said. “Let’s just say we resolve this next week. It’s gonna take a while to fill the pipeline and get stuff into the battlefield. We’re losing time.”

Caitlin Emma and Jordain Carney contributed to this report.

Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer is calling for new elections in Israel, describing Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government as an “obstacle to peace” amid his country’s ongoing war in Gaza.

Schumer, the highest-ranking Jewish official in U.S. history, urged Israel to “do better,” citing the estimated tens of thousands of Palestinian civilian casualties caused by the Netanyahu government’s military offensive aimed at neutralizing the terrorist group Hamas.

The New Yorker said Israel “must make some significant course corrections” as the conflict nears the half-year mark, according to excerpts of remarks his office released ahead of his Thursday floor speech on the matter.

“The Netanyahu coalition no longer fits the needs of Israel after Oct. 7,” Schumer said in floor remarks. “The world has changed — radically — since then, and the Israeli people are being stifled right now by a governing vision that is stuck in the past.”