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The Republican Steering Committee unanimously endorsed Rep. Tom Cole late Tuesday to chair the House Appropriations Committee, ahead of a final vote expected Wednesday from the full House Republican Conference.

Cole is running unopposed for the top Appropriations post and easily won backing from the Steering panel, which tends to favor more establishment candidates for leadership positions. The Oklahoma Republican, who would be the first from his state to serve as chair of the panel, is set to succeed Rep. Kay Granger (R-Texas), who announced late last month that she would give up the gavel early, before retiring from Congress next year.

Walking into the closed-door selection meeting Tuesday evening, Cole said being chair has been his “longtime goal.”

“It’s an enormous opportunity. Great challenge. Dream come true,” he added.

Cole currently serves as chair of the Rules Committee, vice chair of the Appropriations Committee and leader of the Transportation-HUD funding subcommittee. Securing the endorsement of nearly every other senior Republican appropriator, his installation at the top of the committee has been long anticipated.

An ally to leadership, Cole has helped negotiate bipartisan funding deals necessary to thwart government shutdowns, which have increasingly fueled rancor over spending within the GOP conference.

Bipartisan support: Many Democrats have praised Cole for his collegial style and track record of working across the aisle on annual spending bills.

“Tom is one of the most respected people on the committee in both parties,” Wisconsin Rep. Mark Pocan, a Democratic appropriator, said in an interview last week. “In the past I’ve seen nothing but professionalism, despite his, you know, strong conservative voice. But he respects the institution. And these days, that alone is worth celebration.”

Cole also has experience leading the Labor-HHS-Education and Legislative Branch subcommittees, in addition serving a long tenure on the Defense spending panel.

Reform push: Rep. Robert Aderholt (R-Ala.), the House’s most senior GOP appropriator besides Granger, entertained a challenge to Cole but didn’t enter the race. Aligning himself with conservatives, Aderholt still positioned himself as an alternative to the Oklahoma Republican, proposing reforms aimed at assuaging GOP members who have become increasingly fed up with an appropriations process viewed as wasteful and closed off to rank-and-file members.

“There’s a lot of members of Congress, rank and file members, that really just don’t trust the appropriations process,” Aderholt said in an interview Tuesday.

The Alabama Republican leads the Labor-HHS-Education spending subcommittee and voted against his own funding bill last month in protest of earmarks Senate Democrats inserted. Now he wants to usher in a change that would require all four subcommittee chairs, across both chambers, to sign off on any earmarks in order for those funds to make it to the president’s desk, among other changes.

“I’m just hoping I can work with him and try to make some of these common sense changes,” Aderholt said of Cole.

Nicholas Wu contributed to this report.

Senate Republicans are trying to orchestrate the impeachment trial of Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas to exact maximum political pain on their top Democratic targets in November — especially Sens. Jon Tester and Sherrod Brown.

Democrats are signaling they’ll quickly shut down the Mayorkas trial once they receive impeachment articles from the House. Given the anti-Mayorkas fervor among Republicans — which on Tuesday resulted in the House delaying the trial until next week to heighten focus on the vote — Democrats will need near-unanimity to dismiss it.

That puts vulnerable Democrats like Tester (Mont.) and Brown (Ohio) in an unenviable bind, and some of their purple-state colleagues will also feel the heat. The upper chamber’s campaign map this year already favors Republicans tremendously, and the GOP wants to exploit Democrats’ vulnerabilities on the topic as migration surges to take back the chamber.

Democrats are hoping to quickly move past the trial and remind voters that their GOP colleagues tanked a border deal earlier this year. But until then, Republicans are looking forward to making them squirm — despite the fact that several Republicans previously panned the House’s impeachment efforts.

“Not dealing with it in some way runs the risk of putting a lot of their incumbent Democrats and probably, for that matter, candidates in other races around the country, in a really difficult position,” said Senate Minority Whip John Thune (R-S.D.). “I would not want to be them, defending that vote.”

Thune pointed to Brown and Tester specifically. Illustrating that point, neither would explicitly commit as of Tuesday to supporting a motion to table or dismiss the trial, which would effectively end proceedings off the bat. After saying in February he’d vote to scuttle the trial, Tester said this week he is waiting to see the actual articles of impeachment. Brown said it’s “likely” he’d support dismissal but did not go further.

Still, both of them stressed their decision would not be based on political risks. Brown called the issue a “distraction” and insisted he cared little about the GOP “playing politics.” Tester said Republicans using the vote against him was “not a damn concern, honestly.”

“They’re going to say whatever they want to say, whenever they want to say it. They’re already doing it,” Tester added.

The third-term Montanan is already facing ads back home hitting him for his record on immigration. And there’s almost certainly more to come.

“Any senators who vote against holding an impeachment trial for Secretary Mayorkas are absolving Mayorkas and the Biden Administration of their roles in creating this border crisis, and we will hold them accountable in November,” said Torunn Sinclair, a spokesperson for Senate Leadership Fund, the main GOP Senate super PAC.

In a closed-door lunch on Tuesday, Senate Republicans discussed how to best highlight Democrats’ rejection of the Mayorkas impeachment trial. They reasoned that delivering articles on Wednesday would potentially allow Democrats to bury the trial on Thursday night and quickly move on, according to an attendee. They also discussed Tester’s new comments about reviewing the articles after vowing to dismiss them earlier this year, with some arguing the GOP’s pressure tactics are working.

Ultimately, Republican senators and Speaker Mike Johnson agreed to change course and start the proceedings on Monday. And Sen. Roger Marshall (R-Kan.) made clear how he believes the politics will play out: “My hope is that the good people in Montana and Ohio, Wisconsin, Michigan, Nevada, Pennsylvania — that they hold their senators accountable this November.”

It’s not the first time surging migration has come to the forefront of national politics in recent months. As Biden’s numbers on immigration sagged last year, he and his party ended up signing off on stricter new immigration and border policies in a deal with Sen. James Lankford (R-Okla.).

Yet after months of negotiations, prompted by Republicans who demanded border changes be tied to further Ukraine aid, GOP senators overwhelmingly blocked an agreement in February. They did so after former President Donald Trump announced his opposition to the deal.

As Tester has faced the GOP’s immigration attacks, he’s called on Democratic leaders to force Republicans to vote again on the bipartisan border deal. He argued Republicans’ impeachment strategy is an attempt to shift blame for that bill’s failure. Similarly, Brown said the GOP’s decision to pursue the impeachment but not to pass the bipartisan border deal earlier this year “speaks volumes.”

Some Senate Republicans have also independently cast doubt on the merits of impeaching Mayorkas in the first place, though some of those senators have signaled they’ll likely vote against dismissing the trial. The impeachment took two tries to pass in the House due to the opposition of three GOP lawmakers.

Sen. Gary Peters (D-Mich.), who chairs the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, insisted the impeachment effort “is just political theater” and said he was confident it would not harm his incumbents. Still, they are moving ahead cautiously on border issues.

Sen. Jacky Rosen (D-Nev.), another vulnerable incumbent, also did not commit to supporting a motion to dismiss this month. But she echoed Tester and Brown’s sentiment, charging Republicans with politicizing the border and trying to distract from the border package failure.

“They are clearly going to use all this as a political football. They are not thinking about how we address the crisis on our border,” she said.

Sen. Tammy Baldwin (D-Wis.) is expected to vote to shut down the trial. Sen. Bob Casey (D-Pa.) did not directly answer a question on whether or not he’d support a motion to dismiss the trial. He did, however, say that “the Senate should be spending time passing the bipartisan border deal” and that he has “no doubt at all” that Republicans will try to use the outcome against him and other vulnerable Democrats.

Sen. Steve Daines (R-Mont.), who chairs the National Republican Senatorial Committee, effectively confirmed Democrats’ predictions.

“Border is the No. 1 issue for the American people,” Daines told POLITICO of how the trial outcomes may reflect on Democrats. “So they’ll be paying very close attention to what happens with Mayorkas.”

Of course, Senate Democrats could proceed with a trial if they wanted to. But doing so could take days, if not weeks, and would put even more of a spotlight on the contentious issue of immigration. The entire Mayorkas impeachment effort amounts to a GOP rebuke of how the Biden administration has handled the southern border. Democrats aren’t eager to debate the administration’s success.

And Republicans know it.

“It would be a lot of talk about the border,” said Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.). “They want to change the subject. So I get it. They want to move on.”

Anthony Adragna contributed to this report.

David Cameron, foreign secretary of the United Kingdom, followed a visit with Donald Trump by hitting Capitol Hill on Tuesday — though he did not see Speaker Mike Johnson in person.

Cameron was spotted meeting on Tuesday with Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, a strong supporter of new U.S. aid to Ukraine, after breaking bread Monday night with the aid-skeptical former president at Mar-a-Lago. The top British diplomat had been in contact with Johnson’s office about an in-person meeting, according to a British government source, though one did not ultimately pan out due to schedule conflicts.

As he left McConnell’s office, Cameron declined to confirm that Johnson was not on his list of lawmaker meetings as he makes the case for Ukraine aid and other transatlantic priorities.

“I’ve got a whole lot of meetings,” he said, “and I’m not quite sure who I am and who I’m not seeing.”

Before he arrived on the Hill, Cameron met with Trump in Florida. According to a Trump campaign summary of the conversation, they discussed “the upcoming US and UK elections, policy matters specific to Brexit, the need for NATO countries to meet their defense spending requirements, and ending the killing in Ukraine.”

The meeting at Mar-a-Lago also included the British ambassador to the U.S., Karen Pierce, and the three “also discussed their mutual admiration for the late Queen Elizabeth II,” according to the Trump campaign.

Natalie Allison and Anthony Adragna contributed to this report.

The House won’t send impeachment articles against Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas to the Senate until Monday, giving the GOP more time to game out a strategy.

House Republicans had initially planned to present the articles on Wednesday, likely culminating in a Thursday dismissal of the trial. But GOP senators want to avoid any absences on their side, tightening Democrats’ margin for error in the 51-49 chamber. That could mean every Democratic senator would have to vote to table or dismiss if the party wants to avoid a lengthy impeachment trial.

“To ensure the Senate has adequate time to perform its constitutional duty, the House will transmit the articles of impeachment to the Senate next week,” said Taylor Haulsee, a spokesperson for Speaker Mike Johnson.

Senate Democrats had planned to shut down the trial quickly, which would require a majority vote in the chamber. But a number of moderate Democrats up for reelection this year haven’t committed to voting for a motion to dismiss. And Sen. Mike Braun (R-Ind.) said Tuesday that he “would doubt” any GOP senators vote with Democrats to abandon a trial.

“You’ve always got to maybe worry about that a little bit,” he added. “It’s a numbers game.”

Senate conservatives are adamant they want a full trial — though that seems particularly unlikely. Democrats have made it clear they want to end the trial as quickly as possible. Majority Leader Chuck Schumer still projected confidence to that end Tuesday afternoon.

“We’re ready to go whenever they are. We’re sticking with our plan. We’re going to move this as expeditiously as possible,” he told reporters.

Olivia Beavers contributed to this report.

President Donald Trump’s announcement that abortion should be left to the states sent many in the congressional GOP scrambling. But three senators in particular could feel the squeeze in the coming months.

Some lawmakers are trying a new strategy. Take Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.), whose wife just argued an abortion case before the Supreme Court. He aligned with Trump and said Republicans should “make the case anew” to voters to ban abortion at the state level — though that argument hasn’t seemed to work much so far.

“It’s not going to pass,” Hawley said about a push from Republicans in Congress to codify a nationwide ban. “It’s not going to get 60 [votes]. So let’s be realistic. I mean, that’s not going to happen.”

But many Republicans aren’t willing to cede ground on a federal abortion ban, insisting that the party can’t just allow blue states to continue the practice. Count Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) in that bucket; he previously introduced a bill to ban abortion after 15 weeks and became a target of Trump’s wrath on Monday.

He’s the most obvious, given that social media blowup, but he’s not alone. Sen. Tim Scott (R-S.C.) has also critiqued Trump’s abortion position, supported a 15-week federal ban and he’s on the list to potentially join Trump’s ticket as vice president.

Then there’s Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.), who’s also a contender for Trump’s VP but seen as a less likely pick. He signed on as a co-sponsor of Graham’s 15-week-ban bill last term, and now he’s running for reelection in a state where abortion is also on the ballot.

Here’s more on the three Republican senators to watch:
Graham
He “respectfully disagreed” with Trump on Monday, saying he still felt a nationwide 15-week abortion ban was appropriate. Trump quickly panned that take as a stance that could lose Republicans elections in the fall.

The split is particularly notable given the two’s former status as close allies. Now, Trump is directly contradicting Graham on both abortion and strengthening U.S. national security, two of the South Carolina senator’s biggest priorities. Trump and Graham have been at odds over how to handle an emboldened and aggressive Russia on the world stage.

Graham wouldn’t say Monday whether he’ll re-introduce legislation to ban abortions federally. That could set up an ugly, intra-party clash if Trump wins in November. And Graham, for his part, doesn’t feel Hawley’s optimism about taking the fight to limit abortion to the states.

“For the pro-life movement it’s about the child, not geography,” Graham said. “So if you’re turning the pro-life movement into a geographical movement, I think you’re stuck.”

Scott
Trump’s abortion stance could complicate his veepstakes. Scott also backed a 15-week national ban and used that as a major differentiator in his campaign against Trump for the GOP nomination. And he lobbed strong criticism at Trump for his disinterest in a federal abortion ban.

Scott’s office didn’t respond to our request for comment Tuesday, and he doesn’t usually respond in hallway interviews.

His position could make Scott’s potential selection as VP a bit awkward, given the daylight between their positions. But alternatively, maybe it helps Scott if Trump’s campaign thinks he would help them with anti-abortion groups.

Rubio
The Florida Republican is already taking political hits for co-sponsoring Graham’s bill to ban abortions nationwide after 15 weeks of pregnancy.

Democrats clearly want to tie him to anti-abortion rhetoric, especially with the right to the procedure on his state’s ballot in November. Floridians will get to vote on a state constitutional amendment that could enshrine abortion protections in the state constitution, and an abortion ban after six weeks of pregnancy is currently slated to take effect in the state.

Given those dynamics, Trump’s position might be helpful to give Rubio some distance. He praised the former president’s announcement to us on Tuesday: “What he said yesterday was the truth: that our most realistic chance of limiting the damage that abortion does is at the state level. That’s just a fact.”

Burgess Everett and Ursula Perano contributed.

Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D) reached out to Donald Trump after the former president said Monday that he would not support a national abortion ban — to “applaud him.”

Trump’s position frustrated anti-abortion activists who had hoped he would endorse federal restrictions, and Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) said he “respectfully” disagreed with the stance. But Cramer said Trump had staked out a position that’s in a “safe zone politically” for their party, which has been dogged by perennial questions about its abortion stance since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade. 

“[I] applaud him for finally saying that, you know, succinctly and putting to rest any notion that he is supporting some sort of a federal ban at any level, because … he referenced an openness a while back,” Cramer told reporters on Tuesday.

“I texted [Trump] right away,” Cramer added. “I said, ‘really well done.’”

Trump’s position is likely to hold major sway over congressional Republicans as they weigh any future decisions to legislate on abortion, should they emerge from this fall’s elections holding the majority in either chamber.

Graham reiterated his own support for a national abortion ban at 15 weeks of pregnancy during remarks to reporters on Monday after he took issue with Trump’s stance.

Cramer, on Tuesday, said that he had told Graham he “watched the whole four minutes [of Trump’s video] smiling, thinking, ‘this is pretty much this is where I’ve always believed he was.’” But he also did not see Trump’s statement as a pledge to automatically reject any bill that would ban abortion at the national level if he wins back the White House.

Trump was “clearly … advising against us legislation like that” but didn’t issue a conclusive no, Cramer said.

The North Dakotan added that he expected Graham to reintroduce his 15-week ban legislation — though the South Carolina Republican didn’t commit to that when talking with reporters on Monday.

“We’ll see whether he does it, and if he does do it, how many people jump on board,” Cramer said.

Maryland lawmakers vowed a bipartisan push toward federal rebuilding funds for Baltimore’s collapsed Francis Scott Key Bridge, with Sen. Ben Cardin (D-Md.) planning to introduce legislation “very soon” enshrining that promise from President Joe Biden into law.

Cardin — flanked by Maryland Gov. Wes Moore (D), Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg and the state’s congressional delegation — said the total cost of rebuilding the bridge remained unclear but that the delegation would remain united in pursuing needed funds.

“Tragedy knows no partisanship,” Rep. Andy Harris, the lone GOP member of the state’s delegation, said. “I’m committed to working — because we know that there will be legislation necessary in order to deal with this. … I’m committed to make sure that we navigate this through a bipartisan process through both houses.”

“Maryland should not have to bear a part of the cost,” the Maryland Republican added when asked about resistance from the House Freedom Caucus to funding the rebuilding process.

Cardin, who’s retiring after this Congress, said he’s had positive conversations with Republicans and predicted “traditional, bipartisan” support for relief following a disaster of this scope.

Rep. Steny Hoyer (D-Md.) noted the state has four members on the powerful House Appropriations Committee and predicted they would flex their collective muscle to get the funding delivered.

“We will be working tirelessly until we get the sums that are necessary to deal with this,” the former senior House Democratic leader said.

Activist groups are using a typical advocacy tool — voicemails to members of Congress — with a new, uncomfortable twist: They’re from the deceased victims of gun violence, generated by artificial intelligence.

TheShotline.org, a gun reform campaign by March for Our Lives and Change the REF, is asking constituents nationwide to send representatives in their zip code the AI-generated phone calls.

The voice memos feature six victims of gun violence, including those killed in mass shootings, suicide, and people like 15-year-old Ethan Song, whose accidental death was the result of an unsecured gun in 2018 in Connecticut. The digital rendition of Ethan’s voice briefly explains his passion for helping animals and people and the inability to continue to “help anyone in need anymore.” It quickly segues into a plea to lawmakers to “finally do something to protect kids from guns” and a warning to members of Congress that if gun reform bills aren’t passed, they face the risk of being voted out.

The advocacy organizations hope the chilling recordings will lead to the passage of federal gun reform, specifically an assault weapons ban.

“I want these politicians to sit there and listen,” said Brett Cross, a father of one of the victims featured on Shotline.org, “I want them to imagine that that’s their children’s voices, because they didn’t do anything to prevent countless children being slaughtered.”

Florida Democratic Congressman Maxwell Frost, called the AI-generated audio “heartbreaking” and “uncomfortable.” He added, “That’s the point of it. The point is to feel uncomfortable.”

Of course, most Democrats have been highly supportive of increased firearm regulation for decades. Republicans, however, remain largely unconvinced. Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.) who has also received messages from the hotline, said his GOP colleagues are “the primary obstacle” when it comes to passing strong gun safety laws.

Republican Congressman Tim Burchett (R-Tenn.), who has consistently echoed concerns for potential over-regulation of artificial intelligence, criticized TheShotline.org for being “fraudulent” and said the calls were an ineffective approach for systemic change.

“My office has received these types of calls,” Burchett said in a statement to POLITICO. “If people want to make their voices heard, they should contact their elected representatives and express their concerns directly.”

Blumenthal reflected on one TheShotline.org message from 15-year-old Ethan Song saying, “His voice was so really moving. I hope that it will shake up some of my colleagues and that we can move forward. These [gun reform proposals] are supported by 90 percent of the American people, and Ethan is speaking for them.”

Watch the video to hear what Blumenthal, Chair of the Senate Judiciary Subcommittee on Privacy, Technology, and the Law, has to say about the use of AI in this way.

Senate Democrats plan to “dispose” of the House’s impeachment of Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas as quickly as they can on Thursday, a member of Democratic leadership said in an interview.

Michigan Sen. Debbie Stabenow, the No. 3 Democrat, deadpanned on Tuesday that the Senate majority is “going to treat it with the seriousness it deserves.”

“It’s completely political. It’s not serious. We will do what we have to do and we’ll work with Republicans to dispose of it, as quickly and appropriately as we can,” Stabenow said. “We’ll see how it goes. But we will do what is necessary and legal and appropriate. And dispose of it as soon as possible.”

Democrats are planning for the full proceedings, including speeches and votes on procedural matters, to last a few hours on Thursday — depending on how many votes Republicans force, according to two people familiar with the issue. Party leaders would then move to end the trial, likely by a motion to table it.

Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer still has not publicly commented on how he plans to short-circuit the trial, and Democrats have several procedural options, including tabling the trial or dismissing it.

Senate Minority Whip John Thune (R-S.D.) said Republicans will “largely” be united on a vote on whether to advance the trial, which Democrats need just a simple majority to derail. But Sen. Mitt Romney (R-Utah) said he will at some point “express” his position that the impeachment does not meet the bars for high crimes and misdemeanors.

“Ultimately that’s where I think it ends up. I think it makes more sense to have some sort of summary conclusion,” Romney said. “What Republicans are hoping to do, myself included, is underscore how bad the mess is at the border and point out the president’s responsibility for that. I think Mayorkas is the wrong target.”

The House Foreign Affairs Committee’s top Democrat is holding fire on the Biden administration’s planned sale of F-15 fighter jets and munitions until he receives “assurances” about how the weapons would be used.

Rep. Gregory Meeks (D-N.Y.) told CNN on Tuesday that he is returning to Washington to receive a classified briefing on the weapons package, which the administration has asked top lawmakers to approve.

Meeks, due to his perch on the weapons-approving committee, is one of four lawmakers who hold an effective veto over foreign military sales. Administrations typically seek informal approval from the top two leaders of the House Foreign Affairs and Senate Foreign Relations committees before formally notifying Congress of potential sales.

The proposed sale comes amid increasing pressure on the Biden administration to leverage arms deals in order to prod Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu into allowing more humanitarian aid into Gaza. That pressure intensified after an Israeli strike killed seven aid workers with the World Central Kitchen on April 1.

President Joe Biden in February asked the four lawmakers to approve a package that includes 50 new F-15 fighter jets valued at $18 million, 30 Advanced Medium-Range Air-to-Air Missiles and a number of Joint Direct Attack Munition kits, which turn dumb bombs into precision-guided weapons, POLITICO first reported.

“I want to know what types of weapons and what the weapons would be utilized for,” Meeks said.

Meeks, on CNN, sought to balance support for the return of hostages taken by Hamas in its Oct. 7 assault on civilians in Israel and criticism for Israel’s “indiscriminate bombing”

“I take things very seriously and that’s why I’ve got to go into the SCIF” — a secure facility for classified briefings — “to see for myself what those assurances are,” he said.

Asked whether Meeks would support potential action to block the sale, he did not answer directly.

“I don’t want the kinds of weapons that Israel has to be utilized to have more deaths,” he said. “I want to make sure that humanitarian aid gets in. I don’t want people starving to death, and I want Hamas to release the hostages. And I want a two-state solution.”

A Meeks spokesperson declined to comment on who would brief the top lawmaker and when.

Of the four committee leaders who can hold up sales, both Republicans have said yes: House Foreign Affairs Chair Michael McCaul (R-Texas) and Senate Foreign Relations ranking member Jim Risch (R-Idaho).

Senate Foreign Relations Chair Ben Cardin (D-Md.) wasn’t asked directly on CNN last week whether he signed off, but he indicated his support in his comments. His office, when asked if he supports the sale, referred to his CNN interview.

Meeks has been a long-time Israel supporter, yet his Queens district is predominantly Black, a group that’s more likely to sympathize with Palestinians and question U.S. support for Israel, according to recent polling.

“He’s in a vise,” New York-based Democratic strategist Hank Sheinkopf said. “He’s got to play a game, and the game is I want to help Israel. The question is how I don’t get caught in the blowback from my own constituencies.”

Aiding Israel could add fuel to existing challenges from the left to his position atop the Democratic Party in Queens — but his seat and House Foreign Affairs role are safe.

“There’s no way he’s going to lose that district. If he has any exposure at all, it’s as the county political boss. Not that he’d lose that, but people could challenge candidates he supports, and that could be very expensive.”