The House has passed legislation aimed at sanctioning the International Criminal Court for pursuing arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and other officials in his government.

The vote was 247-155, with 42 Democrats supporting the bill and 2 Republicans voting present. It amounts to a congressional rebuke to the court as the conflict between Israel and Hamas continues without a clear end in sight.

“The International Criminal Court has overstepped its authority and set a dangerous precedent,” House Foreign Affairs Chair Michael McCaul (R-Texas) said on the floor. “The case against Israel is baseless.”

The measure is unlikely to become law. The Biden administration said in a statement that it “strongly opposes” the bill and believes “there are more effective ways to defend Israel” but did not expressly threaten a veto.

Several Democrats ultimately supported the legislation even as they expressed concern with its drafting and questioned whether it had any chance of clearing the Democratic-controlled Senate.

“I would have preferred that the Republicans worked with us more closely to make it bipartisan, but this is just the first step in the process,” said Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz (D-Fla.). But, she added, “the ICC certainly needs to be held accountable. It is outrageous and egregious.”

Rep. Gregory Meeks (N.Y.), the top Democrat on the Foreign Affairs Committee, spoke against the legislation in the party’s closed-door caucus meeting Tuesday morning. He said in a brief interview that the bill was “dangerous stuff” because it could lead to sanctions on the leaders of countries allied with the United States.

Senate Foreign Relations Chair Ben Cardin (D-Md.) said House and Senate lawmakers had been working on a bipartisan effort to push back on the ICC and that the legislation passed by the House would hurt that push.

“Obviously it’s gonna be much more challenging now for us to reach a bipartisan agreement,” he told POLITICO in a brief interview.

Republicans are moving to head off a long-term war between Larry Hogan and former President Donald Trump’s allies, including the RNC, as Hogan faces one of the toughest ticket-splitting efforts in modern politics.

Hogan’s request for Americans to respect the verdict of Trump’s criminal trial — before the conviction was even announced — elicited harsh criticism from RNC co-chair Lara Trump, raising the specter of a long-term rift between top rungs of the party and the GOP’s star recruit in Maryland, a state where Republicans haven’t won a Senate race since 1980.

Hogan generally makes no bones about his dim view of Trump, an absolutely necessary stance in the blue Old Line State — but one that can also draw out Trump’s defenders. And Republicans smarted at their own central party organ dissing their star recruit.

“It’s a horrible mistake. I think they should back off,” said Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska), no stranger to rifts in her own party after surviving a Trump-backed challenge two years ago.

Lara Trump said on CNN over the weekend that Hogan “doesn’t deserve the respect of anyone in the Republican Party at this point, and, quite frankly, anybody in America.” Trump’s campaign also pilloried Hogan for turning off Republicans.

“We’re all on the same team here. [The criticism] doesn’t help the cause,” said Sen. Shelley Moore Capito (R-W.Va.).

Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.) first joked that the whole episode is “a conspiracy designed to build [Hogan] up in Maryland. How’s that for a theory?” But he grew more serious about the viability of a long-term conflict.

“It’s completely unnecessary. I don’t know why they would feel the need to come to Donald Trump’s defense in a state he’s not going to win while we have a Senate candidate that could,” Cramer said. “It’s time to be done with it.”

Hogan, a popular two-term governor, is probably the only Republican who can truly put the state’s Senate race in play. And any public tussle with Trump will likely boost Hogan’s standing with the independent and Democratic voters he needs to win.

But crossing Trump also risks turning off the GOP base, which Hogan will need to win handily. Unlike his two midterm gubernatorial runs, however, he’ll have to share the ballot with Trump in November.

A senior campaign official with the RNC, granted anonymity to speak frankly, said “Hogan will need to bring together a diverse coalition to win Maryland but it begins with President Trump and the Republican base. Both internal and public polling show that Americans voters know the Biden trial was rigged and a sham.”

The path ahead for Hogan may be the trickiest in the country, even more so than red-state Democratic Sens. Jon Tester of Montana and Sherrod Brown of Ohio, whose states aren’t quite as challenging for Democrats as Maryland is for Republicans. National Republican Senatorial Committee Chair Steve Daines’ assessment: “Larry Hogan is running for Senate in Maryland, not Mississippi.”

“We’ve got to give him some latitude and some slack to do what he needs to do to succeed there. I would hope that at every level folks let him do that,” said Senate Minority Whip John Thune (R-S.D.), who believes that message will be conveyed to the RNC in time.

Hogan’s path to victory means he can’t afford to lose many voters in either the pro-Trump or anti-Trump bloc — a mission similar to that of Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine), who split tickets to an extraordinary degree in 2020 as Trump lost Maine. Maryland, though, is numerically even more challenging.

Collins said, from what she could tell, “most Republicans are rallying around” Hogan. Hogan’s campaign declined to comment.

“What we don’t want to do is have a scenario where we win the White House and then we don’t have a majority in the Senate. That would make no sense at all,” said Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.).

If there’s any solace for Republicans after Lara Trump’s interview in which she declined to earmark financial support for Hogan, it’s that the Maryland Senate race is unlikely to rely much on the RNC’s money. It’s not a competitive presidential state, so the NRSC and Senate specific groups will be far bigger players than the RNC.

Asked about the imbroglio Tuesday, Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell said, “Whether you’re Mike Lee or Susan Collins, we need more Republicans in order to set the agenda. So I support all of the Republican candidates, and certainly Gov. Hogan would be among them.

Daniella Diaz contributed to this report.

Steve Daines, the Senate GOP’s campaigns chief, is encouraging former President Donald Trump to back the party’s preferred candidate in Nevada ahead of the June 11 primary. And Daines is bullish that it’s going to happen.

In an interview, Daines (R-Mont.) said he’s spoken to Trump twice in the past week about Sam Brown, a veteran who Republicans want to face Sen. Jacky Rosen (D-Nev.) in the perennial swing state. The chair of the National Republican Senatorial Committee said “an endorsement may be coming, that’ll be the president’s decision, his timing.”

“I think he’s going to,” Daines said of Trump backing Brown. “This is a situation where President Trump helps Sam Brown. I think Sam Brown helps President Trump. He’s the guy President Trump wants standing by him … I think they help each other.”

Daines has successfully steered Trump toward other critical Senate endorsements, like Republican Tim Sheehy in Montana and Jim Justice in West Virginia. The NRSC chief has prioritized coordination with the former president after the 2022 midterm debacle, hoping to keep their priorities aligned as they attempt to retake the Senate.

“Chairman Daines strongly supports Sam and hopes President Trump will endorse him, but President Trump hasn’t made a commitment on that front,” NRSC spokesperson Mike Berg said.

There’s limited polling in the Nevada primary, though many GOP senators support Brown and there’s a feeling among Republicans that he’s the favorite — especially if he gets Trump’s endorsement at the finish line. Rosen will be tough to beat in a general election, but it appears Nevada will have competitive presidential, Senate and House races this November.

Brown is facing former Ambassador to Iceland Jeff Gunter, former state Rep. Jim Marchant and former lieutenant governor candidate Tony Grady. Republicans have made it pretty clear they think Brown is the one with the best chance against Rosen in a state where they haven’t won a Senate race since 2012 — though they’ve won statewide in several recent gubernatorial elections.

“President Trump has done a real good job working with the NRSC on supporting candidates,” said Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.). Brown is “already trending in the right direction. But I think [an endorsement] would remove any doubt. And I feel strongly we have to weigh in when there’s a clearly better candidate to match up against an incumbent.”

Speaker Mike Johnson on Wednesday tapped two members to serve on the prestigious House Intelligence Committee — and one of them is not only a former chair of the House Freedom Caucus, but also has publicly tangled with the FBI.

The GOP leader named Rep. Scott Perry (R-Pa.) to the panel, which has oversight over the intelligence community and access to highly sensitive information, as well as Rep. Ronny Jackson (R-Texas). Perry is a particularly contentious pick, as members of the panel have privately expressed heartburn over giving the Pennsylvanian that kind of power when he was part of a federal investigation that is examining efforts to subvert the 2020 election.

Some Republicans said they feared his presence on the panel will not only impact what different agencies are willing to share, but also that the former HFC chair will leak sensitive information to that group. Conservatives had pushed Johnson for Perry’s appointment.

“I look forward to providing not only a fresh perspective, but conducting actual oversight — not blind obedience to some facets of our Intel Community that all too often abuse their powers, resources, and authority to spy on the American People,” Perry said in a post on X thanking Johnson for the appointment.

Some members believe that Jackson had a pressure campaign of his own — this one originating with former President Donald Trump, as POLITICO previously reported. Intelligence Committee members weren’t thrilled with the outside lobbying efforts, but saw Jackson as a better option than Perry.

The appointments were announced on the House floor with little fanfare and no announcements from the speaker’s office.

The two open seats from the panel resulted from the midterm departures of Reps. Chris Stewart (R-Utah) and Mike Gallagher (R-Wis.). Republicans familiar with the pressure campaigns believed Johnson could have circumvented the lobbying efforts by either leaving the panel spots open until next year or filling the seats with members who were retiring next Congress.

Both Perry specifically and the Freedom Caucus generally have had their sights on the panel for a while. But key Republicans felt picking Perry for the panel was out of the question given its oversight powers over the FBI, which seized his cell phone in August 2022. The Pennsylvania conservative also sought to litigate what the federal investigators would be able to access on his phone.

House Republicans’ push to impeach Joe Biden this year is going nowhere. So they’ve set their sights on another goal: Helping Donald Trump land blows on Biden if he wins back the White House.

The impeachment process is stalled amid intraparty skepticism, and Republicans’ primary backup plan — criminal referrals to the Department of Justice, including for Hunter Biden and potentially even Joe Biden — is also unlikely to go anywhere with the latter in office.

Against that backdrop, Republicans are outlining a growing wish list they’re hoping to see Trump’s administration deliver on if he is back in power next year, no matter which party controls Congress. Those goals include helping GOP lawmakers get the audio of Joe Biden’s interview with special counsel Robert Hur; reshaping the DOJ and FBI in a more conservative mold; and pursuing further investigations that stem from Republicans’ sprawling impeachment inquiry, even with Joe Biden out of office.

Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.) said he doesn’t expect any action from the DOJ on the party’s Biden-related criminal referrals this year. But he’s looking forward to Trump picking up the matter from the White House.

“Next year. It’s not going to happen under this administration,” Norman said. He succinctly summed up the prospects of federal prosecutions stemming from GOP criminal referrals: “Under Trump? Yeah. But not under this administration.”

Rep. Kelly Armstrong (R-N.D.) pointed to the Biden White House’s assertion of executive privilege to prevent the release of the audio from the president’s interview with Hur, which has prompted House Republicans to advance contempt findings against Attorney General Merrick Garland, who did hand over the transcript.

“Under a Trump presidency,” Armstrong predicted, “that gets litigated.”

Republican lawmakers have plenty of evidence to suggest that, even with Joe Biden out of office, Trump would still want the DOJ focused on payback against his defeated foe or his current prosecutors — particularly following his conviction last week on 34 felony counts of falsifying business records related to a hush money payment to porn star Stormy Daniels.

The former president has repeatedly promised just that in social media posts, publicly warning last year that Special Counsel Jack Smith’s investigation into him would result in “repercussions far greater than anything that Biden or his Thugs could understand” before adding: “This is a Pandora’s Box, that works two ways, and it should be closed and tightly sealed RIGHT NOW.”

Some top GOP lawmakers are even homing in on the specific Biden investigative findings they plan to highlight for a potential Trump presidency, even as some Republican colleagues acknowledge they remain short of any proof of criminal wrongdoing by Joe Biden. (Hunter Biden, for his part, is in court this week for a trial on federal gun charges and is set for a second tax-related trial later this year.) A recent Congressional Research Service report acknowledged it is unlikely Garland faces charges this year, but said that it’s possible the next administration “could break from established executive branch policy and choose to take up the prosecution within” a five-year window.

House Oversight Chair James Comer (R-Ky.), who wrote in a fundraising email earlier this year that Republicans would give “new leadership at the DOJ … everything they need” for prosecutions, doubled down on that plan in an interview by promising to include material from a recent Hunter Biden-related document dump by the Ways and Means Committee, which has been receiving information from IRS whistleblowers.

The criminal referrals that Republicans are planning to send DOJ “don’t expire” this year, Comer said, adding that if the Biden DOJ doesn’t “try to uphold the law … maybe the next one will.”

Republican investigators’ heightened focus on a potential Trump win comes as a growing number of their colleagues acknowledge they don’t have the votes to impeach Biden this year. They are preparing to recommend Garland be held in contempt as soon as next week after the DOJ turned over the Hur-Biden transcript but not the audio, but don’t yet have GOP support locked down for even that step.

Even if they manage to land a political blow on Garland, who is all but guaranteed to not face criminal charges, Republicans are in the dark about when, or how, the larger Biden investigation wraps.

“It’s this glacier that we’re on. People like to stop and make ice cubes sometimes, but it still keeps moving along kind of slow,” Rep. Tim Burchett (R-Tenn.) said about the state of the inquiry.

Despite that largely frozen impeachment, Republicans are quietly conducting a multi-pronged probe of Biden and his family behind the scenes. Comer recently disclosed that he had issued a new subpoena for bank records and said, in an interview, he is sorting through a sweep of documents furnished by former Hunter Biden business partner Devon Archer, all of which will shape a forthcoming report on the inquiry.

Comer has also insisted that impeachment is still on the table. And in the Judiciary Committee, two Republicans said they still expected the panel to hold hearings on articles of impeachment once the Oversight panel has released its findings. Jordan, asked about that, said “everything is on the table.”

He also said investigators would publicly release a “packet of materials” about their findings from the Biden administration —which could serve as fodder for a future Trump administration. The Judiciary panel is still locked in a court battle for the closed-door testimony of two DOJ tax attorneys who are involved in the years-long Hunter Biden federal investigation.

But underscoring the political pitfalls Republicans face, Comer is facing early pushback from the White House on ethics legislation he released with Rep. Katie Porter (D-Calif.) that would require presidents release their tax returns — something Trump refused to do — and put more financial disclosure rules in place for family members.

That bipartisan bill has an unclear path forward after getting early resistance from some corners of the House Democratic caucus and skepticism from the White House.

“It applies to Trump in the same manner,” Comer said of the bill. “I think it would be hard to explain to the American people why you wouldn’t support it.”

As Comer separately touts his future criminal referrals as possible bread crumbs for a Trump return to office, he’s getting some backup from the right flank of the conference that has pushed quixotically for impeachment this year.

Rep. Andy Biggs (R-Ariz.), for one, has said the GOP should put lawmakers on the record even if a Joe Biden impeachment vote fails. He separately expressed hope that, “while we probably don’t have the votes for impeachment,” any criminal referrals that spawn from the inquiry “would still be available for a new [attorney general].”

Trump allies off Capitol Hill have particularly leaned on Jordan to use his congressional perch to investigate the Trump investigators, arguing that his work could be used as the basis for renewed investigations in 2025. And Jordan took new steps on that front following Trump’s New York felony convictions, pushing for testimony from top prosecutors.

But when it comes to the Biden impeachment inquiry, House Republicans continue to face a steady stream of criticism from Fox News and other conservative media outlets about their failure to deliver on a big promise to the party base. Even some members of the House’s right flank have publicly kvetched that they believe it should have moved faster and been more aggressive.

Jordan said in a brief interview that he was “sure” a Trump administration would be more willing to re-investigate some of the GOP’s biggest sore spots or hand over information Republicans have sought. Providing information that a previous president asserted executive privilege over while in office would be a historic step — but one Democrats acknowledge is a possibility.

House Republicans have also hinted they would sue the Biden administration over the Hur-Biden audio this year, but the resulting court fight could drag on for months.

Jordan also predicted that Trump would remake the DOJ, which Republicans have increasingly soured on since Trump first rode to power in 2016. The House GOP’s right flank wanted to overhaul the DOJ and the FBI more quickly this Congress, but those proposals have stalled thanks to opposition from the Democrat-controlled Senate and White House — and resistance from some Republican colleagues about compromising the agencies’ independence.

Republicans are planning to try to use the upcoming government funding debate to try to target Smith’s probe, as well as Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg’s, but face the same hurdles.

“I think a Trump administration means a change in these agencies. … That’s a big part of it,” Jordan said.

House Republicans’ push to impeach Joe Biden this year is going nowhere. So they’ve set their sights on another goal: Helping Donald Trump land blows on Biden if he wins back the White House.

The impeachment process is stalled amid intraparty skepticism, and Republicans’ primary backup plan — criminal referrals to the Department of Justice, including for Hunter Biden and potentially even Joe Biden — is also unlikely to go anywhere with the latter in office.

Against that backdrop, Republicans are outlining a growing wish list they’re hoping to see Trump’s administration deliver on if he is back in power next year, no matter which party controls Congress. Those goals include helping GOP lawmakers get the audio of Joe Biden’s interview with special counsel Robert Hur; reshaping the DOJ and FBI in a more conservative mold; and pursuing further investigations that stem from Republicans’ sprawling impeachment inquiry, even with Joe Biden out of office.

Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.) said he doesn’t expect any action from the DOJ on the party’s Biden-related criminal referrals this year. But he’s looking forward to Trump picking up the matter from the White House.

“Next year. It’s not going to happen under this administration,” Norman said. He succinctly summed up the prospects of federal prosecutions stemming from GOP criminal referrals: “Under Trump? Yeah. But not under this administration.”

Rep. Kelly Armstrong (R-N.D.) pointed to the Biden White House’s assertion of executive privilege to prevent the release of the audio from the president’s interview with Hur, which has prompted House Republicans to advance contempt findings against Attorney General Merrick Garland, who did hand over the transcript.

“Under a Trump presidency,” Armstrong predicted, “that gets litigated.”

Republican lawmakers have plenty of evidence to suggest that, even with Joe Biden out of office, Trump would still want the DOJ focused on payback against his defeated foe or his current prosecutors — particularly following his conviction last week on 34 felony counts of falsifying business records related to a hush money payment to porn star Stormy Daniels.

The former president has repeatedly promised just that in social media posts, publicly warning last year that Special Counsel Jack Smith’s investigation into him would result in “repercussions far greater than anything that Biden or his Thugs could understand” before adding: “This is a Pandora’s Box, that works two ways, and it should be closed and tightly sealed RIGHT NOW.”

Some top GOP lawmakers are even homing in on the specific Biden investigative findings they plan to highlight for a potential Trump presidency, even as some Republican colleagues acknowledge they remain short of any proof of criminal wrongdoing by Joe Biden. (Hunter Biden, for his part, is in court this week for a trial on federal gun charges and is set for a second tax-related trial later this year.) A recent Congressional Research Service report acknowledged it is unlikely Garland faces charges this year, but said that it’s possible the next administration “could break from established executive branch policy and choose to take up the prosecution within” a five-year window.

House Oversight Chair James Comer (R-Ky.), who wrote in a fundraising email earlier this year that Republicans would give “new leadership at the DOJ … everything they need” for prosecutions, doubled down on that plan in an interview by promising to include material from a recent Hunter Biden-related document dump by the Ways and Means Committee, which has been receiving information from IRS whistleblowers.

The criminal referrals that Republicans are planning to send DOJ “don’t expire” this year, Comer said, adding that if the Biden DOJ doesn’t “try to uphold the law … maybe the next one will.”

Republican investigators’ heightened focus on a potential Trump win comes as a growing number of their colleagues acknowledge they don’t have the votes to impeach Biden this year. They are preparing to recommend Garland be held in contempt as soon as next week after the DOJ turned over the Hur-Biden transcript but not the audio, but don’t yet have GOP support locked down for even that step.

Even if they manage to land a political blow on Garland, who is all but guaranteed to not face criminal charges, Republicans are in the dark about when, or how, the larger Biden investigation wraps.

“It’s this glacier that we’re on. People like to stop and make ice cubes sometimes, but it still keeps moving along kind of slow,” Rep. Tim Burchett (R-Tenn.) said about the state of the inquiry.

Despite that largely frozen impeachment, Republicans are quietly conducting a multi-pronged probe of Biden and his family behind the scenes. Comer recently disclosed that he had issued a new subpoena for bank records and said, in an interview, he is sorting through a sweep of documents furnished by former Hunter Biden business partner Devon Archer, all of which will shape a forthcoming report on the inquiry.

Comer has also insisted that impeachment is still on the table. And in the Judiciary Committee, two Republicans said they still expected the panel to hold hearings on articles of impeachment once the Oversight panel has released its findings. Jordan, asked about that, said “everything is on the table.”

He also said investigators would publicly release a “packet of materials” about their findings from the Biden administration —which could serve as fodder for a future Trump administration. The Judiciary panel is still locked in a court battle for the closed-door testimony of two DOJ tax attorneys who are involved in the years-long Hunter Biden federal investigation.

But underscoring the political pitfalls Republicans face, Comer is facing early pushback from the White House on ethics legislation he released with Rep. Katie Porter (D-Calif.) that would require presidents release their tax returns — something Trump refused to do — and put more financial disclosure rules in place for family members.

That bipartisan bill has an unclear path forward after getting early resistance from some corners of the House Democratic caucus and skepticism from the White House.

“It applies to Trump in the same manner,” Comer said of the bill. “I think it would be hard to explain to the American people why you wouldn’t support it.”

As Comer separately touts his future criminal referrals as possible bread crumbs for a Trump return to office, he’s getting some backup from the right flank of the conference that has pushed quixotically for impeachment this year.

Rep. Andy Biggs (R-Ariz.), for one, has said the GOP should put lawmakers on the record even if a Joe Biden impeachment vote fails. He separately expressed hope that, “while we probably don’t have the votes for impeachment,” any criminal referrals that spawn from the inquiry “would still be available for a new [attorney general].”

Trump allies off Capitol Hill have particularly leaned on Jordan to use his congressional perch to investigate the Trump investigators, arguing that his work could be used as the basis for renewed investigations in 2025. And Jordan took new steps on that front following Trump’s New York felony convictions, pushing for testimony from top prosecutors.

But when it comes to the Biden impeachment inquiry, House Republicans continue to face a steady stream of criticism from Fox News and other conservative media outlets about their failure to deliver on a big promise to the party base. Even some members of the House’s right flank have publicly kvetched that they believe it should have moved faster and been more aggressive.

Jordan said in a brief interview that he was “sure” a Trump administration would be more willing to re-investigate some of the GOP’s biggest sore spots or hand over information Republicans have sought. Providing information that a previous president asserted executive privilege over while in office would be a historic step — but one Democrats acknowledge is a possibility.

House Republicans have also hinted they would sue the Biden administration over the Hur-Biden audio this year, but the resulting court fight could drag on for months.

Jordan also predicted that Trump would remake the DOJ, which Republicans have increasingly soured on since Trump first rode to power in 2016. The House GOP’s right flank wanted to overhaul the DOJ and the FBI more quickly this Congress, but those proposals have stalled thanks to opposition from the Democrat-controlled Senate and White House — and resistance from some Republican colleagues about compromising the agencies’ independence.

Republicans are planning to try to use the upcoming government funding debate to try to target Smith’s probe, as well as Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg’s, but face the same hurdles.

“I think a Trump administration means a change in these agencies. … That’s a big part of it,” Jordan said.

House Republicans’ push to impeach Joe Biden this year is going nowhere. So they’ve set their sights on another goal: Helping Donald Trump land blows on Biden if he wins back the White House.

The impeachment process is stalled amid intraparty skepticism, and Republicans’ primary backup plan — criminal referrals to the Department of Justice, including for Hunter Biden and potentially even Joe Biden — is also unlikely to go anywhere with the latter in office.

Against that backdrop, Republicans are outlining a growing wish list they’re hoping to see Trump’s administration deliver on if he is back in power next year, no matter which party controls Congress. Those goals include helping GOP lawmakers get the audio of Joe Biden’s interview with special counsel Robert Hur; reshaping the DOJ and FBI in a more conservative mold; and pursuing further investigations that stem from Republicans’ sprawling impeachment inquiry, even with Joe Biden out of office.

Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.) said he doesn’t expect any action from the DOJ on the party’s Biden-related criminal referrals this year. But he’s looking forward to Trump picking up the matter from the White House.

“Next year. It’s not going to happen under this administration,” Norman said. He succinctly summed up the prospects of federal prosecutions stemming from GOP criminal referrals: “Under Trump? Yeah. But not under this administration.”

Rep. Kelly Armstrong (R-N.D.) pointed to the Biden White House’s assertion of executive privilege to prevent the release of the audio from the president’s interview with Hur, which has prompted House Republicans to advance contempt findings against Attorney General Merrick Garland, who did hand over the transcript.

“Under a Trump presidency,” Armstrong predicted, “that gets litigated.”

Republican lawmakers have plenty of evidence to suggest that, even with Joe Biden out of office, Trump would still want the DOJ focused on payback against his defeated foe or his current prosecutors — particularly following his conviction last week on 34 felony counts of falsifying business records related to a hush money payment to porn star Stormy Daniels.

The former president has repeatedly promised just that in social media posts, publicly warning last year that Special Counsel Jack Smith’s investigation into him would result in “repercussions far greater than anything that Biden or his Thugs could understand” before adding: “This is a Pandora’s Box, that works two ways, and it should be closed and tightly sealed RIGHT NOW.”

Some top GOP lawmakers are even homing in on the specific Biden investigative findings they plan to highlight for a potential Trump presidency, even as some Republican colleagues acknowledge they remain short of any proof of criminal wrongdoing by Joe Biden. (Hunter Biden, for his part, is in court this week for a trial on federal gun charges and is set for a second tax-related trial later this year.) A recent Congressional Research Service report acknowledged it is unlikely Garland faces charges this year, but said that it’s possible the next administration “could break from established executive branch policy and choose to take up the prosecution within” a five-year window.

House Oversight Chair James Comer (R-Ky.), who wrote in a fundraising email earlier this year that Republicans would give “new leadership at the DOJ … everything they need” for prosecutions, doubled down on that plan in an interview by promising to include material from a recent Hunter Biden-related document dump by the Ways and Means Committee, which has been receiving information from IRS whistleblowers.

The criminal referrals that Republicans are planning to send DOJ “don’t expire” this year, Comer said, adding that if the Biden DOJ doesn’t “try to uphold the law … maybe the next one will.”

Republican investigators’ heightened focus on a potential Trump win comes as a growing number of their colleagues acknowledge they don’t have the votes to impeach Biden this year. They are preparing to recommend Garland be held in contempt as soon as next week after the DOJ turned over the Hur-Biden transcript but not the audio, but don’t yet have GOP support locked down for even that step.

Even if they manage to land a political blow on Garland, who is all but guaranteed to not face criminal charges, Republicans are in the dark about when, or how, the larger Biden investigation wraps.

“It’s this glacier that we’re on. People like to stop and make ice cubes sometimes, but it still keeps moving along kind of slow,” Rep. Tim Burchett (R-Tenn.) said about the state of the inquiry.

Despite that largely frozen impeachment, Republicans are quietly conducting a multi-pronged probe of Biden and his family behind the scenes. Comer recently disclosed that he had issued a new subpoena for bank records and said, in an interview, he is sorting through a sweep of documents furnished by former Hunter Biden business partner Devon Archer, all of which will shape a forthcoming report on the inquiry.

Comer has also insisted that impeachment is still on the table. And in the Judiciary Committee, two Republicans said they still expected the panel to hold hearings on articles of impeachment once the Oversight panel has released its findings. Jordan, asked about that, said “everything is on the table.”

He also said investigators would publicly release a “packet of materials” about their findings from the Biden administration —which could serve as fodder for a future Trump administration. The Judiciary panel is still locked in a court battle for the closed-door testimony of two DOJ tax attorneys who are involved in the years-long Hunter Biden federal investigation.

But underscoring the political pitfalls Republicans face, Comer is facing early pushback from the White House on ethics legislation he released with Rep. Katie Porter (D-Calif.) that would require presidents release their tax returns — something Trump refused to do — and put more financial disclosure rules in place for family members.

That bipartisan bill has an unclear path forward after getting early resistance from some corners of the House Democratic caucus and skepticism from the White House.

“It applies to Trump in the same manner,” Comer said of the bill. “I think it would be hard to explain to the American people why you wouldn’t support it.”

As Comer separately touts his future criminal referrals as possible bread crumbs for a Trump return to office, he’s getting some backup from the right flank of the conference that has pushed quixotically for impeachment this year.

Rep. Andy Biggs (R-Ariz.), for one, has said the GOP should put lawmakers on the record even if a Joe Biden impeachment vote fails. He separately expressed hope that, “while we probably don’t have the votes for impeachment,” any criminal referrals that spawn from the inquiry “would still be available for a new [attorney general].”

Trump allies off Capitol Hill have particularly leaned on Jordan to use his congressional perch to investigate the Trump investigators, arguing that his work could be used as the basis for renewed investigations in 2025. And Jordan took new steps on that front following Trump’s New York felony convictions, pushing for testimony from top prosecutors.

But when it comes to the Biden impeachment inquiry, House Republicans continue to face a steady stream of criticism from Fox News and other conservative media outlets about their failure to deliver on a big promise to the party base. Even some members of the House’s right flank have publicly kvetched that they believe it should have moved faster and been more aggressive.

Jordan said in a brief interview that he was “sure” a Trump administration would be more willing to re-investigate some of the GOP’s biggest sore spots or hand over information Republicans have sought. Providing information that a previous president asserted executive privilege over while in office would be a historic step — but one Democrats acknowledge is a possibility.

House Republicans have also hinted they would sue the Biden administration over the Hur-Biden audio this year, but the resulting court fight could drag on for months.

Jordan also predicted that Trump would remake the DOJ, which Republicans have increasingly soured on since Trump first rode to power in 2016. The House GOP’s right flank wanted to overhaul the DOJ and the FBI more quickly this Congress, but those proposals have stalled thanks to opposition from the Democrat-controlled Senate and White House — and resistance from some Republican colleagues about compromising the agencies’ independence.

Republicans are planning to try to use the upcoming government funding debate to try to target Smith’s probe, as well as Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg’s, but face the same hurdles.

“I think a Trump administration means a change in these agencies. … That’s a big part of it,” Jordan said.

House Republicans’ push to impeach Joe Biden this year is going nowhere. So they’ve set their sights on another goal: Helping Donald Trump land blows on Biden if he wins back the White House.

The impeachment process is stalled amid intraparty skepticism, and Republicans’ primary backup plan — criminal referrals to the Department of Justice, including for Hunter Biden and potentially even Joe Biden — is also unlikely to go anywhere with the latter in office.

Against that backdrop, Republicans are outlining a growing wish list they’re hoping to see Trump’s administration deliver on if he is back in power next year, no matter which party controls Congress. Those goals include helping GOP lawmakers get the audio of Joe Biden’s interview with special counsel Robert Hur; reshaping the DOJ and FBI in a more conservative mold; and pursuing further investigations that stem from Republicans’ sprawling impeachment inquiry, even with Joe Biden out of office.

Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.) said he doesn’t expect any action from the DOJ on the party’s Biden-related criminal referrals this year. But he’s looking forward to Trump picking up the matter from the White House.

“Next year. It’s not going to happen under this administration,” Norman said. He succinctly summed up the prospects of federal prosecutions stemming from GOP criminal referrals: “Under Trump? Yeah. But not under this administration.”

Rep. Kelly Armstrong (R-N.D.) pointed to the Biden White House’s assertion of executive privilege to prevent the release of the audio from the president’s interview with Hur, which has prompted House Republicans to advance contempt findings against Attorney General Merrick Garland, who did hand over the transcript.

“Under a Trump presidency,” Armstrong predicted, “that gets litigated.”

Republican lawmakers have plenty of evidence to suggest that, even with Joe Biden out of office, Trump would still want the DOJ focused on payback against his defeated foe or his current prosecutors — particularly following his conviction last week on 34 felony counts of falsifying business records related to a hush money payment to porn star Stormy Daniels.

The former president has repeatedly promised just that in social media posts, publicly warning last year that Special Counsel Jack Smith’s investigation into him would result in “repercussions far greater than anything that Biden or his Thugs could understand” before adding: “This is a Pandora’s Box, that works two ways, and it should be closed and tightly sealed RIGHT NOW.”

Some top GOP lawmakers are even homing in on the specific Biden investigative findings they plan to highlight for a potential Trump presidency, even as some Republican colleagues acknowledge they remain short of any proof of criminal wrongdoing by Joe Biden. (Hunter Biden, for his part, is in court this week for a trial on federal gun charges and is set for a second tax-related trial later this year.) A recent Congressional Research Service report acknowledged it is unlikely Garland faces charges this year, but said that it’s possible the next administration “could break from established executive branch policy and choose to take up the prosecution within” a five-year window.

House Oversight Chair James Comer (R-Ky.), who wrote in a fundraising email earlier this year that Republicans would give “new leadership at the DOJ … everything they need” for prosecutions, doubled down on that plan in an interview by promising to include material from a recent Hunter Biden-related document dump by the Ways and Means Committee, which has been receiving information from IRS whistleblowers.

The criminal referrals that Republicans are planning to send DOJ “don’t expire” this year, Comer said, adding that if the Biden DOJ doesn’t “try to uphold the law … maybe the next one will.”

Republican investigators’ heightened focus on a potential Trump win comes as a growing number of their colleagues acknowledge they don’t have the votes to impeach Biden this year. They are preparing to recommend Garland be held in contempt as soon as next week after the DOJ turned over the Hur-Biden transcript but not the audio, but don’t yet have GOP support locked down for even that step.

Even if they manage to land a political blow on Garland, who is all but guaranteed to not face criminal charges, Republicans are in the dark about when, or how, the larger Biden investigation wraps.

“It’s this glacier that we’re on. People like to stop and make ice cubes sometimes, but it still keeps moving along kind of slow,” Rep. Tim Burchett (R-Tenn.) said about the state of the inquiry.

Despite that largely frozen impeachment, Republicans are quietly conducting a multi-pronged probe of Biden and his family behind the scenes. Comer recently disclosed that he had issued a new subpoena for bank records and said, in an interview, he is sorting through a sweep of documents furnished by former Hunter Biden business partner Devon Archer, all of which will shape a forthcoming report on the inquiry.

Comer has also insisted that impeachment is still on the table. And in the Judiciary Committee, two Republicans said they still expected the panel to hold hearings on articles of impeachment once the Oversight panel has released its findings. Jordan, asked about that, said “everything is on the table.”

He also said investigators would publicly release a “packet of materials” about their findings from the Biden administration —which could serve as fodder for a future Trump administration. The Judiciary panel is still locked in a court battle for the closed-door testimony of two DOJ tax attorneys who are involved in the years-long Hunter Biden federal investigation.

But underscoring the political pitfalls Republicans face, Comer is facing early pushback from the White House on ethics legislation he released with Rep. Katie Porter (D-Calif.) that would require presidents release their tax returns — something Trump refused to do — and put more financial disclosure rules in place for family members.

That bipartisan bill has an unclear path forward after getting early resistance from some corners of the House Democratic caucus and skepticism from the White House.

“It applies to Trump in the same manner,” Comer said of the bill. “I think it would be hard to explain to the American people why you wouldn’t support it.”

As Comer separately touts his future criminal referrals as possible bread crumbs for a Trump return to office, he’s getting some backup from the right flank of the conference that has pushed quixotically for impeachment this year.

Rep. Andy Biggs (R-Ariz.), for one, has said the GOP should put lawmakers on the record even if a Joe Biden impeachment vote fails. He separately expressed hope that, “while we probably don’t have the votes for impeachment,” any criminal referrals that spawn from the inquiry “would still be available for a new [attorney general].”

Trump allies off Capitol Hill have particularly leaned on Jordan to use his congressional perch to investigate the Trump investigators, arguing that his work could be used as the basis for renewed investigations in 2025. And Jordan took new steps on that front following Trump’s New York felony convictions, pushing for testimony from top prosecutors.

But when it comes to the Biden impeachment inquiry, House Republicans continue to face a steady stream of criticism from Fox News and other conservative media outlets about their failure to deliver on a big promise to the party base. Even some members of the House’s right flank have publicly kvetched that they believe it should have moved faster and been more aggressive.

Jordan said in a brief interview that he was “sure” a Trump administration would be more willing to re-investigate some of the GOP’s biggest sore spots or hand over information Republicans have sought. Providing information that a previous president asserted executive privilege over while in office would be a historic step — but one Democrats acknowledge is a possibility.

House Republicans have also hinted they would sue the Biden administration over the Hur-Biden audio this year, but the resulting court fight could drag on for months.

Jordan also predicted that Trump would remake the DOJ, which Republicans have increasingly soured on since Trump first rode to power in 2016. The House GOP’s right flank wanted to overhaul the DOJ and the FBI more quickly this Congress, but those proposals have stalled thanks to opposition from the Democrat-controlled Senate and White House — and resistance from some Republican colleagues about compromising the agencies’ independence.

Republicans are planning to try to use the upcoming government funding debate to try to target Smith’s probe, as well as Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg’s, but face the same hurdles.

“I think a Trump administration means a change in these agencies. … That’s a big part of it,” Jordan said.

House Republicans’ push to impeach Joe Biden this year is going nowhere. So they’ve set their sights on another goal: Helping Donald Trump land blows on Biden if he wins back the White House.

The impeachment process is stalled amid intraparty skepticism, and Republicans’ primary backup plan — criminal referrals to the Department of Justice, including for Hunter Biden and potentially even Joe Biden — is also unlikely to go anywhere with the latter in office.

Against that backdrop, Republicans are outlining a growing wish list they’re hoping to see Trump’s administration deliver on if he is back in power next year, no matter which party controls Congress. Those goals include helping GOP lawmakers get the audio of Joe Biden’s interview with special counsel Robert Hur; reshaping the DOJ and FBI in a more conservative mold; and pursuing further investigations that stem from Republicans’ sprawling impeachment inquiry, even with Joe Biden out of office.

Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.) said he doesn’t expect any action from the DOJ on the party’s Biden-related criminal referrals this year. But he’s looking forward to Trump picking up the matter from the White House.

“Next year. It’s not going to happen under this administration,” Norman said. He succinctly summed up the prospects of federal prosecutions stemming from GOP criminal referrals: “Under Trump? Yeah. But not under this administration.”

Rep. Kelly Armstrong (R-N.D.) pointed to the Biden White House’s assertion of executive privilege to prevent the release of the audio from the president’s interview with Hur, which has prompted House Republicans to advance contempt findings against Attorney General Merrick Garland, who did hand over the transcript.

“Under a Trump presidency,” Armstrong predicted, “that gets litigated.”

Republican lawmakers have plenty of evidence to suggest that, even with Joe Biden out of office, Trump would still want the DOJ focused on payback against his defeated foe or his current prosecutors — particularly following his conviction last week on 34 felony counts of falsifying business records related to a hush money payment to porn star Stormy Daniels.

The former president has repeatedly promised just that in social media posts, publicly warning last year that Special Counsel Jack Smith’s investigation into him would result in “repercussions far greater than anything that Biden or his Thugs could understand” before adding: “This is a Pandora’s Box, that works two ways, and it should be closed and tightly sealed RIGHT NOW.”

Some top GOP lawmakers are even homing in on the specific Biden investigative findings they plan to highlight for a potential Trump presidency, even as some Republican colleagues acknowledge they remain short of any proof of criminal wrongdoing by Joe Biden. (Hunter Biden, for his part, is in court this week for a trial on federal gun charges and is set for a second tax-related trial later this year.) A recent Congressional Research Service report acknowledged it is unlikely Garland faces charges this year, but said that it’s possible the next administration “could break from established executive branch policy and choose to take up the prosecution within” a five-year window.

House Oversight Chair James Comer (R-Ky.), who wrote in a fundraising email earlier this year that Republicans would give “new leadership at the DOJ … everything they need” for prosecutions, doubled down on that plan in an interview by promising to include material from a recent Hunter Biden-related document dump by the Ways and Means Committee, which has been receiving information from IRS whistleblowers.

The criminal referrals that Republicans are planning to send DOJ “don’t expire” this year, Comer said, adding that if the Biden DOJ doesn’t “try to uphold the law … maybe the next one will.”

Republican investigators’ heightened focus on a potential Trump win comes as a growing number of their colleagues acknowledge they don’t have the votes to impeach Biden this year. They are preparing to recommend Garland be held in contempt as soon as next week after the DOJ turned over the Hur-Biden transcript but not the audio, but don’t yet have GOP support locked down for even that step.

Even if they manage to land a political blow on Garland, who is all but guaranteed to not face criminal charges, Republicans are in the dark about when, or how, the larger Biden investigation wraps.

“It’s this glacier that we’re on. People like to stop and make ice cubes sometimes, but it still keeps moving along kind of slow,” Rep. Tim Burchett (R-Tenn.) said about the state of the inquiry.

Despite that largely frozen impeachment, Republicans are quietly conducting a multi-pronged probe of Biden and his family behind the scenes. Comer recently disclosed that he had issued a new subpoena for bank records and said, in an interview, he is sorting through a sweep of documents furnished by former Hunter Biden business partner Devon Archer, all of which will shape a forthcoming report on the inquiry.

Comer has also insisted that impeachment is still on the table. And in the Judiciary Committee, two Republicans said they still expected the panel to hold hearings on articles of impeachment once the Oversight panel has released its findings. Jordan, asked about that, said “everything is on the table.”

He also said investigators would publicly release a “packet of materials” about their findings from the Biden administration —which could serve as fodder for a future Trump administration. The Judiciary panel is still locked in a court battle for the closed-door testimony of two DOJ tax attorneys who are involved in the years-long Hunter Biden federal investigation.

But underscoring the political pitfalls Republicans face, Comer is facing early pushback from the White House on ethics legislation he released with Rep. Katie Porter (D-Calif.) that would require presidents release their tax returns — something Trump refused to do — and put more financial disclosure rules in place for family members.

That bipartisan bill has an unclear path forward after getting early resistance from some corners of the House Democratic caucus and skepticism from the White House.

“It applies to Trump in the same manner,” Comer said of the bill. “I think it would be hard to explain to the American people why you wouldn’t support it.”

As Comer separately touts his future criminal referrals as possible bread crumbs for a Trump return to office, he’s getting some backup from the right flank of the conference that has pushed quixotically for impeachment this year.

Rep. Andy Biggs (R-Ariz.), for one, has said the GOP should put lawmakers on the record even if a Joe Biden impeachment vote fails. He separately expressed hope that, “while we probably don’t have the votes for impeachment,” any criminal referrals that spawn from the inquiry “would still be available for a new [attorney general].”

Trump allies off Capitol Hill have particularly leaned on Jordan to use his congressional perch to investigate the Trump investigators, arguing that his work could be used as the basis for renewed investigations in 2025. And Jordan took new steps on that front following Trump’s New York felony convictions, pushing for testimony from top prosecutors.

But when it comes to the Biden impeachment inquiry, House Republicans continue to face a steady stream of criticism from Fox News and other conservative media outlets about their failure to deliver on a big promise to the party base. Even some members of the House’s right flank have publicly kvetched that they believe it should have moved faster and been more aggressive.

Jordan said in a brief interview that he was “sure” a Trump administration would be more willing to re-investigate some of the GOP’s biggest sore spots or hand over information Republicans have sought. Providing information that a previous president asserted executive privilege over while in office would be a historic step — but one Democrats acknowledge is a possibility.

House Republicans have also hinted they would sue the Biden administration over the Hur-Biden audio this year, but the resulting court fight could drag on for months.

Jordan also predicted that Trump would remake the DOJ, which Republicans have increasingly soured on since Trump first rode to power in 2016. The House GOP’s right flank wanted to overhaul the DOJ and the FBI more quickly this Congress, but those proposals have stalled thanks to opposition from the Democrat-controlled Senate and White House — and resistance from some Republican colleagues about compromising the agencies’ independence.

Republicans are planning to try to use the upcoming government funding debate to try to target Smith’s probe, as well as Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg’s, but face the same hurdles.

“I think a Trump administration means a change in these agencies. … That’s a big part of it,” Jordan said.

House Republicans’ push to impeach Joe Biden this year is going nowhere. So they’ve set their sights on another goal: Helping Donald Trump land blows on Biden if he wins back the White House.

The impeachment process is stalled amid intraparty skepticism, and Republicans’ primary backup plan — criminal referrals to the Department of Justice, including for Hunter Biden and potentially even Joe Biden — is also unlikely to go anywhere with the latter in office.

Against that backdrop, Republicans are outlining a growing wish list they’re hoping to see Trump’s administration deliver on if he is back in power next year, no matter which party controls Congress. Those goals include helping GOP lawmakers get the audio of Joe Biden’s interview with special counsel Robert Hur; reshaping the DOJ and FBI in a more conservative mold; and pursuing further investigations that stem from Republicans’ sprawling impeachment inquiry, even with Joe Biden out of office.

Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.) said he doesn’t expect any action from the DOJ on the party’s Biden-related criminal referrals this year. But he’s looking forward to Trump picking up the matter from the White House.

“Next year. It’s not going to happen under this administration,” Norman said. He succinctly summed up the prospects of federal prosecutions stemming from GOP criminal referrals: “Under Trump? Yeah. But not under this administration.”

Rep. Kelly Armstrong (R-N.D.) pointed to the Biden White House’s assertion of executive privilege to prevent the release of the audio from the president’s interview with Hur, which has prompted House Republicans to advance contempt findings against Attorney General Merrick Garland, who did hand over the transcript.

“Under a Trump presidency,” Armstrong predicted, “that gets litigated.”

Republican lawmakers have plenty of evidence to suggest that, even with Joe Biden out of office, Trump would still want the DOJ focused on payback against his defeated foe or his current prosecutors — particularly following his conviction last week on 34 felony counts of falsifying business records related to a hush money payment to porn star Stormy Daniels.

The former president has repeatedly promised just that in social media posts, publicly warning last year that Special Counsel Jack Smith’s investigation into him would result in “repercussions far greater than anything that Biden or his Thugs could understand” before adding: “This is a Pandora’s Box, that works two ways, and it should be closed and tightly sealed RIGHT NOW.”

Some top GOP lawmakers are even homing in on the specific Biden investigative findings they plan to highlight for a potential Trump presidency, even as some Republican colleagues acknowledge they remain short of any proof of criminal wrongdoing by Joe Biden. (Hunter Biden, for his part, is in court this week for a trial on federal gun charges and is set for a second tax-related trial later this year.) A recent Congressional Research Service report acknowledged it is unlikely Garland faces charges this year, but said that it’s possible the next administration “could break from established executive branch policy and choose to take up the prosecution within” a five-year window.

House Oversight Chair James Comer (R-Ky.), who wrote in a fundraising email earlier this year that Republicans would give “new leadership at the DOJ … everything they need” for prosecutions, doubled down on that plan in an interview by promising to include material from a recent Hunter Biden-related document dump by the Ways and Means Committee, which has been receiving information from IRS whistleblowers.

The criminal referrals that Republicans are planning to send DOJ “don’t expire” this year, Comer said, adding that if the Biden DOJ doesn’t “try to uphold the law … maybe the next one will.”

Republican investigators’ heightened focus on a potential Trump win comes as a growing number of their colleagues acknowledge they don’t have the votes to impeach Biden this year. They are preparing to recommend Garland be held in contempt as soon as next week after the DOJ turned over the Hur-Biden transcript but not the audio, but don’t yet have GOP support locked down for even that step.

Even if they manage to land a political blow on Garland, who is all but guaranteed to not face criminal charges, Republicans are in the dark about when, or how, the larger Biden investigation wraps.

“It’s this glacier that we’re on. People like to stop and make ice cubes sometimes, but it still keeps moving along kind of slow,” Rep. Tim Burchett (R-Tenn.) said about the state of the inquiry.

Despite that largely frozen impeachment, Republicans are quietly conducting a multi-pronged probe of Biden and his family behind the scenes. Comer recently disclosed that he had issued a new subpoena for bank records and said, in an interview, he is sorting through a sweep of documents furnished by former Hunter Biden business partner Devon Archer, all of which will shape a forthcoming report on the inquiry.

Comer has also insisted that impeachment is still on the table. And in the Judiciary Committee, two Republicans said they still expected the panel to hold hearings on articles of impeachment once the Oversight panel has released its findings. Jordan, asked about that, said “everything is on the table.”

He also said investigators would publicly release a “packet of materials” about their findings from the Biden administration —which could serve as fodder for a future Trump administration. The Judiciary panel is still locked in a court battle for the closed-door testimony of two DOJ tax attorneys who are involved in the years-long Hunter Biden federal investigation.

But underscoring the political pitfalls Republicans face, Comer is facing early pushback from the White House on ethics legislation he released with Rep. Katie Porter (D-Calif.) that would require presidents release their tax returns — something Trump refused to do — and put more financial disclosure rules in place for family members.

That bipartisan bill has an unclear path forward after getting early resistance from some corners of the House Democratic caucus and skepticism from the White House.

“It applies to Trump in the same manner,” Comer said of the bill. “I think it would be hard to explain to the American people why you wouldn’t support it.”

As Comer separately touts his future criminal referrals as possible bread crumbs for a Trump return to office, he’s getting some backup from the right flank of the conference that has pushed quixotically for impeachment this year.

Rep. Andy Biggs (R-Ariz.), for one, has said the GOP should put lawmakers on the record even if a Joe Biden impeachment vote fails. He separately expressed hope that, “while we probably don’t have the votes for impeachment,” any criminal referrals that spawn from the inquiry “would still be available for a new [attorney general].”

Trump allies off Capitol Hill have particularly leaned on Jordan to use his congressional perch to investigate the Trump investigators, arguing that his work could be used as the basis for renewed investigations in 2025. And Jordan took new steps on that front following Trump’s New York felony convictions, pushing for testimony from top prosecutors.

But when it comes to the Biden impeachment inquiry, House Republicans continue to face a steady stream of criticism from Fox News and other conservative media outlets about their failure to deliver on a big promise to the party base. Even some members of the House’s right flank have publicly kvetched that they believe it should have moved faster and been more aggressive.

Jordan said in a brief interview that he was “sure” a Trump administration would be more willing to re-investigate some of the GOP’s biggest sore spots or hand over information Republicans have sought. Providing information that a previous president asserted executive privilege over while in office would be a historic step — but one Democrats acknowledge is a possibility.

House Republicans have also hinted they would sue the Biden administration over the Hur-Biden audio this year, but the resulting court fight could drag on for months.

Jordan also predicted that Trump would remake the DOJ, which Republicans have increasingly soured on since Trump first rode to power in 2016. The House GOP’s right flank wanted to overhaul the DOJ and the FBI more quickly this Congress, but those proposals have stalled thanks to opposition from the Democrat-controlled Senate and White House — and resistance from some Republican colleagues about compromising the agencies’ independence.

Republicans are planning to try to use the upcoming government funding debate to try to target Smith’s probe, as well as Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg’s, but face the same hurdles.

“I think a Trump administration means a change in these agencies. … That’s a big part of it,” Jordan said.