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New Jersey Rep. Mikie Sherrill on Tuesday became the latest House Democrat to call for President Joe Biden to step off the ticket.

“I know that President Biden and his team have been true public servants and have put the country and the best interests of democracy first and foremost in their considerations,” she said in a statement. “And because I know President Biden cares deeply about the future of our country, I am asking that he declare that he won’t run for reelection and will help lead us through a process toward a new nominee.”

Sherrill, who flipped a GOP-held seat in 2018 before it became bluer in redistricting, has been a key national security voice in the party. She’s now the seventh member of the House Democratic caucus to publicly call for Biden to drop out of the presidential race.

Chuck Schumer has the same three-word answer anytime he’s asked about the election prospects of President Joe Biden: “I’m with Joe.”

The Senate majority leader said the same phrase three times on Tuesday during his weekly press conference, when reporters asked about the incumbent’s viability in defeating former President Donald Trump.

“As I’ve said before, I’m with Joe,” Schumer said, declining to offer further insight into what Democrats discussed at their weekly lunch meeting.

Schumer declined to state whether he agreed with Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.), another member of Democratic leadership, that Biden “must do more” to reassure Democrats and needs to be “a much more forceful and energetic candidate on the campaign trail in the very near future.”

The New York Democrat has been sparing in his public comments about Biden since the president’s shaky debate performance against Trump. He’s offered some version of the line he used Tuesday during an event in upstate New York and then upon returning to Washington on Monday.

Biden waited nearly a week after his debate performance to call Schumer and other senior Democrats in Congress.

No Senate Democrats have publicly called for Biden to abandon his reelection bid, though plenty have expressed concerns publicly — and privately — about his ability to vigorously make the case against Trump as polls show the incumbent steadily trailing. Lawmakers were largely mum on their conference discussion as they exited lunches Tuesday afternoon.

The leadership-bucking House Freedom Caucus is facing a watershed moment, as several internal clashes risk ripping the group apart.

The intense flare-up centers around the Monday night ouster of Rep. Warren Davidson (R-Ohio), led by allies of Chair Bob Good (R-Va.), who is on the precipice of losing his own reelection bid. Davidson had endorsed Good’s primary challenger, John McGuire.

The 16-13 decision to remove Davidson — a move his allies felt bent the group’s bylaws, and took place when some Davidson supporters weren’t present — has members predicting that others will resign over the matter. One lawmaker already announced directly after the vote that they would: Rep. Troy Nehls (R-Texas).

“I’m sure we’ll have some,” Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.) said about the possibility that more members will soon depart the group. “We’ve got a lot of issues to address.”

It’s not the first time the group has had tension recently, but the public comments underline just how strong the current divisions are, given the group’s typically secretive nature. Members were warned not to talk about the Davidson drama, according to two people in the group’s recent meetings, but frustrated lawmakers have still privately and publicly complained.

Generally, under the group’s bylaws, Freedom Caucus members are only found to not be in good standing — a label that makes it easier to oust someone — if they haven’t paid their dues or don’t attend meetings. That was not the case with Davidson. But Good’s allies felt Davidson’s endorsement constituted a clear betrayal and necessitated booting him, a decision that deeply divided the group.

Davidson’s most vocal ally, Rep. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio), made clear he disagreed with that choice. And he acknowledged the possibility that more of the roughly three dozen group members could head for the exits.

“I voted against it and spoke against it. … I’ve always been opposed to that,” Jordan said, referring to the ouster vote, adding that it was “unfortunate” that other members of the group were leaving.

A Freedom Caucus spokesperson responded to a request for comment by saying the group doesn’t discuss internal matters.

Even before the board tapped Good to become chair, the group’s membership has been having a long-simmering identity crisis. Norman, noting that there are “differences of opinion” within the group, floated that members were already likely to head for exits even before the Davidson fight. While the group was once considered a monolith, there are increasingly public clashes between the group’s old guard and newer members who were swept in during and after Donald Trump’s time in the White House.

Early fault lines occurred over tactics some in the group have deployed in order to make demands. Some of the most high-profile issues occurred when a subset of Freedom Caucus members helped block Kevin McCarthy from the speakership in January 2021, and then when five HFC members joined the effort to remove the Californian last fall.

There is also frustration about certain strategies members of the bloc have used on the House floor to push changes to legislation, including blocking party bills by tanking procedural votes. The group has split several times over whether or not they should be using hardball tactics like sinking legislation to send a message to leadership.

And the group even publicly and privately split over whether to back an unsuccessful bid to oust Speaker Mike Johnson earlier this year.

Tempers could cool if Good vacates his position as chair. He lost his primary by about 400 votes, a margin that allows him to request a recount. He’s publicly stated he plans to do so, though he has not yet officially triggered that process.

But Republican aides and HFC members are already privately questioning if he can remain as Freedom Caucus chair for the rest of the year if his election loss becomes official, private discussions that were first reported by POLITICO.

Because Good was initially elected to serve as chair through 2025, he will have to step down early unless he somehow wins a recount. Some members privately bet he remains chair through December and goes out swinging, while others believe he will be pushed out earlier if he officially loses.

Several names are being floated as a potential successor if Good exits early: Reps. Chip Roy (R-Texas), Andy Harris (R-Md.) and Lauren Boebert (R-Colo.).

House Republicans are openly skeptical of holding Attorney General Merrick Garland in “inherent contempt.” But they just might vote to do it this week.

Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-Fla.) is expected to trigger a vote Wednesday on her resolution, which would hold Garland in “inherent contempt” over the Justice Department’s refusal to hand over audio of President Joe Biden’s interview with former special counsel Robert Hur.

In a bid to assuage concerns from her GOP colleagues, Luna changed her resolution from allowing the House sergeant-at-arms to take Garland into custody to instead fining him $10,000 per day until he hands over the audio, which Biden has asserted executive privilege over.

The first draft of the resolution was expected to garner enough GOP opposition to tank it. But Republicans privately acknowledge there’s a chance Luna’s revised resolution could pass this week — not necessarily because GOP lawmakers enthusiastically support it, but because they won’t vote against it.

Speaker Mike Johnson, asked about Luna’s resolution, told reporters the resolution still gave him “pause” from a constitutional perspective, but he will support it if it comes to the floor. Because the resolution is privileged, Luna can force a vote without his support.

“If it’s brought to the floor, I will vote for it,” Johnson said.

Republicans can only lose a handful of members, given likely unanimous opposition from Democrats. So there’s still a chance Luna’s resolution could fail when it comes to the floor this week.

Dozens of Republicans were expected to vote against the initial version of Luna’s resolution. And while there is expected to be at least one GOP “no” vote on the new version, the pool of potential opponents is shrinking after the revision to the resolution and amid concerns about Biden’s mental acuity after a shaky debate.

In addition to Luna’s resolution, House Republicans have already voted to hold Garland in contempt, though the DOJ quickly noted the attorney general wouldn’t be prosecuted because the audio fell under executive privilege. It’s similar to the stance taken around contempt for then-Attorney General Bill Barr.

House Republicans also filed a lawsuit to ask the courts to force Garland to hand over the tapes. And GOP leadership, as well as rank-and-file members, have been trying to make the case that that route represents their best shot, predicting their “inherent contempt” resolution would end up getting litigated in court anyways.

“I think it’s strategically bad. … I think we’re going to have to sue to enforce it, which means we’ll be suing on the same issue two different times. And I think this case is significantly worse than the other case,” said Rep. Kelly Armstrong (R-N.D.).

House Democrats spent Tuesday morning privately venting to each other about President Joe Biden’s future. It left them no closer to resolving the split that has consumed their party.

In a closed-door caucus meeting hosted at Democrats’ campaign headquarters, increasingly distressed Democrats spoke candidly to each other for the first time since Biden’s unnerving debate performance. Several lawmakers who have already called for Biden to step aside made their case, provoking a larger block of the caucus that believes Democrats need to stay united behind the president, according to about a half-dozen members in the room.

“It’s the stupidest thing I’ve ever seen,” said Biden-backer Rep. Juan Vargas (D-Calif.), who called the president’s critics a “circular firing squad.”

Closely watched House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries opened the private meeting with remarks about unity, according to one member, who interpreted those comments as support for Biden. But the New Yorker said little the rest of the meeting, allowing members to spend most of the time speaking to each other on open mics. Another person briefed on the meeting, granted anonymity to discuss private matters, described the mood as “sad and frustrated.”

Jeffries’ message, according to Rep. Chuy Garcia (D-Ill.), was to “stay together” and “listen to each other.”

Many Democrats had hoped the meeting might provide some clarity on a path forward for the party, as lawmakers have grappled with which choice would be worse for their November prospects: sticking with Biden or tossing him aside. The continued state of limbo has exacerbated internal frustrations, as members worry their chances of both flipping the House and keeping twice-impeached Donald Trump out of the White House are growing worse.

“Democrats are waking up to the fact that we’re going to have a very tough election, and it doesn’t matter who our nominee is. This is going to be a dogfight in November,” said Rep. Lou Correa (D-Calif.), who is strongly backing Biden. “The candidate that the voters chose is who we have as a candidate.”

Asked about whether Democrats had reached a consensus on a path forward, Rep. Brittany Pettersen (D-Colo.) said: “I think that’s hard to tell. You’re gonna get people on both sides that are getting up to speak. So I don’t think that there was a general consensus.”

Democrats who tried to argue that Biden should step down from the ticket included Reps. Seth Moulton (D-Mass.), Lloyd Doggett (D-Texas) and Mike Quigley (D-Ill.), who later told reporters he is concerned about Biden “dragging the ticket down.” All three have already publicly called on Biden to drop out of the race.

Still, most of the voices at the meeting were in support of the president. But the internal divide was on full display — and many more are still harboring private doubts.

Senate Democrats will have their own family meeting Tuesday afternoon, though it’s doubtful they’ll have any more luck on charting a path forward. Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer will steer that discussion of his caucus, several of whom have voiced their own concerns about Biden’s electability. No Democratic senators have called on Biden to step aside.

Biden has been working to lock down support across the Capitol in recent days. He met virtually with the Congressional Black Caucus — his deepest well of support in the Capitol — on Monday night. The group has remained some of Biden’s closest allies amid broader questions about his candidacy.

“My personal takeaway is that Joe Biden has tremendous support from the Democratic caucus, and we’re going to move forward,” said Rep. Hank Johnson (D-Ga.), a senior member of the Black Caucus.

Asked about how the party moves forward, however, Johnson didn’t have a clear answer.

“I don’t know how our leadership will handle this. But I do know that we will be making a decision or collective decision and then we will move forward,” he said.

President Joe Biden’s reelection bid faces a key stress test Tuesday, as House and Senate Democrats huddle separately for frank discussions about their party’s standard bearer — and whether he can effectively challenge former President Donald Trump this fall.

First up are House Democrats at a meeting Tuesday morning off the Hill. Senate Democrats will then gather for their weekly caucus luncheon in the early afternoon.

Biden huddled with the Congressional Black Caucus on Monday evening, arguably his most loyal group of supporters on the Hill. But many Democrats — even those publicly supportive of the president — are still privately worried about his candidacy.

One eye-catching comment came from Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.), a disciplined party messenger and president pro tem of the Senate. “I believe President Biden must do more to demonstrate he can campaign strong enough to beat Donald Trump,” she said in a statement. “We need to see a much more forceful and energetic candidate on the campaign trail in the very near future … President Biden must seriously consider the best way to preserve his incredible legacy and secure it for the future.”

Biden, of course, has remained resolute, saying he has no intention of abandoning his reelection bid. But he has thus far not indicated any plans to address Democrats in person.

In non-Biden news: The House will hold two series of votes in the afternoon and consider legislation revoking energy efficiency standards for dishwashers and refrigerators.

Over in the Senate, lawmakers will vote on the nomination of Patricia Lee to be a member of the Defense Nuclear Facilities Safety Board, and in the afternoon will consider two judicial nominations.

Democratic Rep. Ruben Gallego raised a whopping $10.4 million for his Arizona Senate bid in the second quarter.

That’s his largest quarterly fundraising total this cycle and brings his total raised to $31 million, according to numbers shared first with POLITICO. Gallego ended June with $9.2 million in cash on hand.

Gallego is battling Republican Kari Lake for retiring independent Sen. Kyrsten Sinema’s seat. Gallego is running unopposed for the Democratic nomination in this month’s primary, while Lake is the heavy favorite in the GOP race.

Nearly 50 percent of Gallego’s 119,000 donors were giving to his bid for the first time, a statistic the campaign pointed to as a sign of momentum. And 95 percent of donations were $100 or less.

Democrats have felt increasingly optimistic about their odds in Arizona, especially with Lake as the likely Republican nominee. She struggled to court independents and moderates in her 2022 gubernatorial campaign, though the Senate GOP campaign arm announced last month that it plans to purchase air time to support her.

Gallego has so far outraised Lake each quarter. In the first three months of the year he raised $7.5 million to Lake’s $3.6 million. Their reports are due to the Federal Election Commission on July 15.

The Congressional Leadership Fund, a top House GOP super PAC and its sister group, American Action Network, raised $58 million over the past three months.

Of that total, $46.4 million comes from CLF — which is the largest second quarter in the group’s history. Together CLF and AAN have raised $200 million to date since the start of 2023.

CLF has close ties to Speaker Mike Johnson and is the biggest spender in congressional races for the GOP. And when chaos engulfed the House Republican Conference with Kevin McCarthy’s ouster, there were serious questions about the group’s ability to keep raising money.

But the fundraising totals are the latest sign that the turmoil hasn’t spooked donors and choked their coffers too much.

The two GOP groups beat their Democratic counterparts last quarter. House Majority PAC and its allied House Majority Forward raised $51 million.

CLF’s latest campaign finance report, which will cover activity from April 1-June 30, is due to the Federal Election Commission on July 15.

Members of the House Freedom Caucus ousted Rep. Warren Davidson (R-Ohio) on Monday night — less than a month after he started a firestorm within the group by endorsing Chair Bob Good’s primary challenger.

The vote to oust Davidson took place during the group’s weekly closed-door meeting, two Republicans speaking on condition of anonymity told POLITICO.

Davidson was found to be not in good standing — a distinction normally applied to members who don’t pay their dues or skip meetings — which made it easier to remove him on procedural rules, one of the members said.

In addition to Davidson being ousted, Rep. Troy Nehls (R-Texas) is resigning from the group, a person familiar with the decision told POLITICO.

Good and Davidson both declined to comment as they left Monday night’s meeting. The Freedom Caucus doesn’t comment on internal matters.

The person familiar said the vote for ousting Davidson was 16-13, suggesting some of HFC’s roughly 35 members either didn’t attend the meeting or didn’t vote.

The decision caps off weeks of speculation within the group about Davidson’s fate, with a formal ouster effort being kick started late last month led by an ally of Good.

Davidson’s decision to back John McGuire triggered shock for Good allies. It’s the latest instance of bad blood between the two men with Davidson also stepping down from the group’s leadership when Good became chair.

But Davison’s allies argued that ouster supporters were trying to twist the rules in order to make it easier to remove the Ohio Republican. And some members of the Freedom Caucus were overheard complaining to Davidson as he left the meeting.

“Only the Freedom Caucus and a lame-duck Bob Good would be irrational and self-righteous enough to create a headline by kicking out a member and distracting from Joe Biden’s implosion. Hope Good enjoys retirement in obscurity,” said a GOP Freedom Caucus member aide, who spoke on condition of anonymity.

President Joe Biden’s outreach efforts to congressional Democrats haven’t quelled the party-wide panic over his future on the ticket — and the fight is about to get uglier.

Biden spoke Monday night with some of his most loyal supporters, telling a group of Black lawmakers: “You’ve had my back and I’ll continue to have yours,” according to a person in the meeting. He plans to meet soon with a rattled group of House progressives. He personally called roughly 20 individual members over the past week, according to a campaign official. And he sent a letter to Democrats Monday morning forcefully committing to staying in the race.

But the party dismay over Biden’s electability has not abated.

While just six Democrats are publicly calling for the president to end his campaign, dozens more lawmakers — even some who say they’re with Biden — are harboring serious doubts about their nominee in private, according to interviews with more than 30 lawmakers and senior aides. There’s widespread anxiety over which route would be worse: sticking with Biden or trying to toss him out.

That fight over Biden’s future, so far confined mostly to one-on-one calls with leadership and lawmaker group chats, will be the subject of a pair of high-profile meetings among Hill Democrats on Tuesday.

“Frankly, I think he has to do more than just double down,” said Rep. Joe Morelle (D-N.Y.), one of several Democrats who called for Biden to step aside on a private phone call Sunday. “I think the American public is very concerned about his ability to continue to serve as a commander in chief. He’s going to have to do more to persuade them than simply writing a letter.”

After days of privately venting about Biden’s post-debate performance, many Democrats fear the painful split over whether the president should remain in the race is only going to get worse. Even seasoned lawmakers and aides say they can’t predict whether the caucus will ultimately decide to get in line behind Biden or to try to force him out. What many say they don’t want is something in between — a stasis that means Hill Democrats will keep tearing themselves apart as Republicans crown Donald Trump at their convention next week.

Inside various staff and member-level meetings on Monday, House Democrats agreed to hold off on any talk about Biden until their full caucus meets Tuesday morning. That meeting, held at the caucus’ off-site campaign headquarters, is expected to be a tense political discussion.

Many are waiting for a sign at that meeting from their leaders. Not just House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, but also party elders like Rep. Jim Clyburn or former Speaker Nancy Pelosi. All three have generally supported Biden, but have each made at least one remark in recent days that left some Democrats privately guessing how deep that support runs.

Jeffries was unequivocal on Monday, telling reporters: “I made clear publicly the day after the debate that I support President Joe Biden and the Democratic ticket. My position has not changed.”

Top progressives are signaling they’ll wait to hear from others in the party before moving forward. Congressional Progressive Caucus Chair Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.) said her bloc was getting together with the president soon but gave a noncommittal response when asked about the president: “I’m behind whoever our nominee is at the time.”

But some of the House’s best-known liberals, including Reps. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.), Ayanna Pressley (D-Mass) and Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.), made clear they are standing behind Biden.

“I spoke with the president extensively this weekend. He has made abundantly clear that he is in this race. He has made abundantly clear that he is not leaving this race. He is the nominee. I am making sure that I support him and that I am focused on making sure that we win in November,” Ocasio-Cortez said.

“Joe Biden is the nominee,” Pressley echoed.

But even for those Democrats who believe there’s no way to replace Biden, there’s significant alarm over the tepid support elsewhere in the party — even among the president’s former colleagues. Senate Majority Whip Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), for instance, acknowledged he is actively discussing “alternatives” to Biden with his fellow senators.

Unlike the House, no Democratic senators have explicitly called for Biden to get off the ticket. But some voiced their skepticism outright. Sen. Tammy Baldwin, who is up for reelection in purple Wisconsin, said she spent a week crisscrossing the state and found “my constituents are asking a lot of questions.” Another highly endangered Democrat, Ohio Sen. Sherrod Brown, said voters have “legitimate questions” over Biden topping the ticket.

Several more Senate Democrats declined to comment, indicating that they are waiting to talk to colleagues on Tuesday. That chamber’s Democrats will hold their own lunch meeting, their first in-person gathering since the debate.

“I think it would be a huge mistake for the Democratic Party, based on one evening and one debate, to turn aside from supporting a very seasoned and very capable president,” said Sen. Chris Coons (D-Del.), one of Biden’s most vocal Hill supporters. “President Biden will be the nominee of my party.”

But many more Democrats remain deeply uneasy — if not outright afraid — of what could happen if Biden remains on the ticket. Democrats who are publicly supporting Biden are still privately engaging in plenty of “what ifs,” including researching different states’ statutes about the process for selecting a new nominee this late in an election year.

The only thing Democrats seem to agree on, at this point, is that it’s harmful to the party’s electoral prospects to keep spending precious time focused on their own candidate’s vulnerabilities, instead of Trump’s. One week before Republicans will formally crown their nominee, Democrats are instead spending their time focusing on their own candidate’s biggest vulnerability — his age.

“I think whenever we send mixed messages it’s concerning, but everyone has the right to evaluate what their thoughts are,” said Rep. Troy Carter (D-La.).

Other House Democrats called on Biden to speak directly to their caucus.

“I think he needs to be here in person,” said Rep. Jimmy Panetta (D-Calif.), who said that lawmakers needed to consider “next steps” before reaching conclusions on the president’s candidacy.

Rep. Annie Kuster (D-N.H.), the chair of the centrist New Democrat Coalition who has headlined Biden campaign events in New Hampshire, said she’s asked Democratic leadership to invite Biden to speak privately with members.

When asked if Biden would be the strongest candidate to beat Trump, she demurred: “I think it’s all evolving. We’re getting polling information. We’re getting information from our districts. He’s been a fantastic president.”

Jordain Carney, Katherine Tully-McManus, Mia McCarthy, David Lim, Brendan Bordelon, Eleanor Mueller, Carmen Paun, Chris Marquette and Josh Siegel contributed to this report.