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The House Republican working behind the scenes to rein in his party’s ambitions to cut Medicaid spending is a California dairy farmer who represents more Medicaid beneficiaries than any of his GOP colleagues.

Rep. David Valadao, who runs the centrist-oriented Republican Governance Group, has spent the last several weeks in near-constant communication with his leadership, including in weekly meetings with the chairs of key ideological caucuses across the GOP conference.

He led a letter signed by a dozen vulnerable Republican members urging House leadership not to make steep cuts to Medicaid earlier this month. He also has an active text chat running throughout the day with a dozen or so other lawmakers who are also concerned about cuts to Medicaid to pay for the Republican megabill of taxes, border investments, energy policy and more.

“We’ve got our little group chats and try to make sure that we’re keeping each other abreast of what we’re seeing, what we’re hearing, and trying to at least do our best to stick together,” Valadao said in an interview.

Many of those members on the text chain are, like him, at-risk Republican incumbents who fear the political blowback of financing the party-line package with reductions to a safety-net program relied upon by nearly 70 million Americans. They are relying on Valadao for leadership and advice.

“He’s got a very good sense of what Americans need out of their health care. I appreciate his leadership,” said Rep. Nick LaLota (R-N.Y.), in an interview, adding that the two are in constant touch. “He’s been clear in his communications: We shouldn’t be throwing people off Medicaid who are designed to be on the program.”

Rep. Rob Bresnahan (R-Pa.), who also has a large percentage of Medicaid recipients in his district, said in an interview that Valadao was a “total pillar … He’s someone I immediately gravitated to. Just a great sounding board.”

The outcome of the Medicaid debate carries high stakes not just for the Americans who use it for coverage, but for Valadao and his colleagues’ political futures, too. Valadao knows firsthand the consequences of making the wrong move in the health care debate. In 2018, he was part of the wave of House Republicans ousted after their votes to repeal the Affordable Care Act, which would have kicked millions of people off their insurance plans.

Valadao clawed his way back to the House two years later, and now he’s determined not to make the same mistake twice — and he’s telling others they ought to follow his lead.

“Am I concerned with the way this plays? Yeah, every vote we take can be spun,” he said. “I imagine whatever decision we make, even if it cuts $1, it’ll be the most dramatic dollar ever, and the most important dollar ever to this program.”

House Energy and Commerce Committee Republicans have been tasked with cutting $880 billion from programs under the committee’s purview, and to meet that target they’re likely going to have to slash Medicaid, unless they can find palatable alternatives. So far, few have materialized.

In the meantime, Valadao and other vulnerable moderates are already facing a slew of television ads, billboards and town halls in their district pushing against Medicaid cuts — an onslaught that is likely to only increase in the coming weeks as Republicans get closer to taking a floor vote on their party-line megabill.

“We’re going through this partisan exercise to do what is supposed to be a tax bill, and it’s becoming a health care bill, which is what we’re trying to avoid, on an issue that desperately needs reform to make it better,” Valadao said.

This is a perception President Donald Trump wants to avoid, especially after the political firestorm Republicans unleashed on themselves over trying to repeal the Democrats’ health law back in 2017. House GOP leaders have also been aware of that tension for months. Still, Republicans continue to debate proposals behind closed doors that could lead to coverage losses for millions of low-income Americans in states that have expanded Medicaid.

Speaker Mike Johnson and other key House Republicans were also planning to make a final push in a meeting with Trump at the White House on Thursday to add even more health care policies to the megabill. That included pitching a controversial proposal to cap federal Medicaid allotments for states — a move that would score significant savings but risk millions of low-income Americans losing their health care.

What Valadao wants to know is whether some of the House GOP’s most politically explosive health care overhauls will actually pass muster with Senate Republicans and ultimately Trump.

“One of the most common questions I think is important to ask is, ‘Where’s the president on these issues?’ Because the president has made comments like he would veto anything that cut Medicaid,” Valadao said. “He said … he would support cutting waste, fraud and abuse. That’s such a broad term. And what is any one of those? So, it is a dangerous situation.“

Valadao’s drumbeat of warnings and back-channel maneuvering have at times privately irked senior Republicans who want the space to negotiate. Valadao is also not considered a close friend of the Trump administration, being one of the few Republicans left on Capitol Hill who voted to impeach Trump after the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol.

“Obviously, I don’t have a direct line with him,” Valadao said — though despite not being on close terms with the president, he believes they could be on the same page on Medicaid. Regarding one controversial House Republican proposal to cap federal allotments for some Medicaid states, Valadao said he has “gotten some feedback that [Trump is] concerned with that as well.”

The White House did not respond to a request for comment, but Trump has privately indicated in recent days he does, in fact, share some of Valadao’s anxieties about changing the so-called federal medical assistance percentage.

GOP leaders also acknowledge Valadao is possibly the only Republican who can hang onto his competitive, blue-state district that helped the House GOP narrowly retain its majority the last two election cycles.

“David Valadao is the biggest team player I’ve interacted with in my time in Congress,” Rep. Blake Moore (R-Utah), a member of GOP leadership, said in a brief interview.

“He’s been through this before. He knows the ground truth,” Moore said. “Everything we’re doing right now is a balancing act.”

The House side of the Capitol complex is getting a major overhaul of its restaurants, with vendor Sodexo out after a 10-year run.

Beginning in August, Metz Culinary Management will take over, bringing a slew of new eateries with it, according to an email sent to staffers — with online ordering available at each location.

Construction will start that month, but “rest assured that Members and staff will still have options for grabbing breakfast, lunch and coffee throughout the construction process,” the memo continues.

There has been a long push for expanded brand-name food options as Sodexo’s generic cafeteria options, combined with low staffing levels, drew complaints from lawmakers and staff.

The changes come after two major renovations, with Dunkin’ being closed for an extended period of time and &Pizza, which shuttered last August, to be replaced by a renovated coffee shop.

“The incoming vendors represent a broad range of food service operators who will deliver diverse and popular food options,” according to the email from the office of the chief administrative officer to staffers.

The most controversial move appears to be that Starbucks will replace Dunkin’ in the Longworth House Office Building. The impending demise of Dunkin’ sent shockwaves through the offices of the Massachusetts delegation. (The state is, after all, where the coffee-and-doughnut institution began.) Massachusetts Rep. Lori Trahan’s deputy chief of staff jokingly decried the switch as a “hostile and political attack.”

The move also frustrated lobbyists who frequent Dunkin’.

“There’s plenty broken in Congress but the food options — especially the Dunkin — aren’t it,” one health care lobbyist texted.

Panera Bread will replace Au Bon Pain in the Cannon House Office Building, and acai bowl joint Freshens will replace Jamba Juice in Longworth. Jimmy John’s will replace Subway in Rayburn, with PX Tacos and Java House replacing the current Common Grounds coffee shop in that building. Steak ‘n Shake will leave Rayburn in favor of CHA Street Food, an “American-influenced Asian” restaurant.

In addition, fast-casual Mexican joint Qdoba will be added to the Ford House Office Building, and Black Crown Collective will also take over the Common Grounds coffee cart location.

Other changes include in-house catering being taken over by Trade Center Management Associates and Monumental Vending Inc. taking control of micro-store and vending locations.

Lisa Kashinsky contributed to this report.

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer and three other Democratic senators are urging the IRS’s watchdog to investigate whether the Trump administration is illegally pressuring the agency to strip Harvard of its tax exemption.

The request from Schumer and Sens. Ed Markey (D-Mass.), Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) and Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) was first reported by POLITICO less than two hours before President Donald Trump announced he would proceed with revoking Harvard’s exemption.

“We are going to be taking away Harvard’s Tax Exempt Status. It’s what they deserve!” he wrote on Truth Social.

Ahead of the announcement, the Democrats noted that Trump had openly called into question Harvard’s tax exemption — delivering the kind of pressure, they said, that runs afoul of post-Watergate laws that make it illegal for government officials to push the IRS to audit or investigate individual taxpayers.

The senators wrote to Treasury’s acting inspector general for tax administration that it’s “unconscionable that the IRS would become a weapon of the Trump Administration to extort its perceived enemies, but the actions of the President and his operatives have now made this fear a reality.”

In addition to asking for an investigation into the Harvard threats, Democrats want the watchdog to hand over information about whether the IRS has faced pressure from Trump or other administration officials to revoke the tax exempt status of other institutions besides Harvard.

Trump has criticized elite schools for a variety of reasons, including not doing more to rein in antisemitism and for their diversity, equity and inclusion efforts.

The president specifically asked on social media last month whether Harvard “should lose its Tax Exempt Status and be Taxed as a Political Entity.”

The IRS reportedly started looking into that possibility shortly thereafter, though the White House has said that the president wouldn’t play any role in any investigation from the tax agency into Harvard.

Investigations into a nonprofit’s tax exemption frequently take years, and Schumer and the other senators noted that Harvard had the resources to fight back against just such a challenge.

But the Democrats also worried that smaller nonprofits would be much more vulnerable if they found themselves in the same situation.

“Church groups, hospitals, health clinics, or food banks could be next,” Schumer, Markey, Warren and Wyden wrote. “If the President is able to successfully target Harvard’s tax-exemption, anyone could be next.”

Jordain Carney contributed to this report.

Hill Republicans are delivering a flurry of rare rebukes of the Trump administration, in the latest sign that the president doesn’t have complete control over the GOP governing trifecta.

First, Speaker Mike Johnson split with the White House over making steep Medicaid cuts to fund the GOP’s megabill. The speaker told POLITICO Thursday he’s “not a big fan” of the White House’s alternative proposal: slash drug costs by pursuing a “one favored nation” policy, which would link certain government payments for pharmaceuticals to the lower prices paid abroad.

That schism comes as House GOP leaders are furiously looking for ways to pay for their party-line package that don’t involve cutting Medicaid benefits — per President Donald Trump’s wishes — or a popular food-assistance program. Struggles to reach consensus on both prompted Republicans to hold off scheduling the Energy and Commerce and Agriculture markups they hoped to hold next week to advance portions of the broader bill.

Elsewhere Thursday, House Appropriations Chair Tom Cole was showing impatience with the White House, which is due to send over a preliminary “skinny budget” later Friday of broad funding targets but still needs to transmit a full budget request later this month. The president is not the “commander” of Congress, the Oklahoma Republican told reporters, as GOP appropriators grow antsy for input from the administration so they can start writing the 12 annual funding bills.

And across the Capitol, Republican senators displayed unusual public discomfort with one of Trump’s nominees: Ed Martin for U.S. attorney for the District of Columbia, who has in the past defended Jan. 6 rioters. Some Republicans refused to say whether they would vote for him. That includes a reliable leadership ally, Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas), who said this week: “We’ll cross that bridge when we come to it.” Other Republicans are waiting to see if the White House pulls the plug on Martin’s nomination before they’re forced to vote or otherwise take a position on it.

These fissures, like many we’ve seen before, are unlikely to last. But the drips of GOP pushback are a notable glimpse of how Republicans are trying to retain a semblance of their autonomy in the Trump era.

What else we’re watching:

– Waltz back in the hot seat: Trump nominated embattled ex-national security adviser Mike Waltz to serve as U.N. ambassador on Thursday — and in doing so, Trump is setting up the former representative for a tough confirmation hearing that will likely also bring heat back onto Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth. It also could create another conference-wrangling challenge for Majority Leader John Thune.

– Valadao’s Medicaid machinations: House Republican moderates are working behind the scenes to rein in the conference’s ambitions to slash Medicaid. And Rep. David Valadao (R-Calif.), who runs the centrist-oriented Republican Governance Group, is behind the effort. He has spent the last several weeks in near-constant communication with colleagues, which includes weekly meetings with the chairs of key ideological caucuses across the GOP conference and an ongoing text chat with nearly a dozen members.

– The next big markup: House Natural Resources published its portion of the GOP reconciliation bill Thursday night, going well beyond its $1 billion deficit reduction target by mandating more frequent oil and gas lease sales and speeding permit approvals for energy projects. The committee plans to mark up the legislation Tuesday that would reduce the deficit by $15 billion, according to committee aides. It would also pull back small parts of funding from the climate law known as the Inflation Reduction Act.

James Bikales, Jordain Carney, Meredith Lee Hill and James Siegel contributed to this report.