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House Republicans approved a budget framework for President Donald Trump’s sweeping domestic policy agenda Tuesday — a major victory for Speaker Mike Johnson who worked with Trump and fellow leaders in a chaotic last-ditch effort to win over naysayers within the GOP ranks.

The vote went almost entirely along party lines, 217-215, with every Democrat voting against the measure and only GOP Rep. Thomas Massie of Kentucky joining them. Adopting the budget measure is a key step toward passing the “big, beautiful bill” that Trump and Johnson have called for — one that includes border security, tax and energy provisions that the president campaigned on.

The Senate passed a competing plan last week, and the Republicans in the two chambers must now reconcile the significant differences between the two fiscal blueprints.

“We’re going to celebrate tonight,” Johnson told reporters after the vote, adding that House Republicans will “roll up their sleeves” as they prepared to reconcile their plans with the Senate.

Tuesday night’s vote came after a wild scene on the House floor that played out over the course of hours. Around 6:30 p.m. members were called to the floor to begin voting on an unrelated measure, with the budget plan to follow. But that unrelated vote was held open for more than an hour as the GOP whip team worked to win over the holdouts.

Democrats screamed “regular order” as the planned 15-minute vote stretched on and on. Shortly after 7:30 p.m., the vote was closed and members were informed the budget vote was canceled. Minutes later, leaders sent out another alert saying the vote was back on.

The holdouts included Reps. Tim Burchett of Tennessee, Warren Davidson of Ohio, and Victoria Spartz of Indiana, as well as Massie. All four voiced public opposition to the budget plan Tuesday and could be seen on the House floor during the evening vote series speaking to various Republican leaders.

The fiscal hawks all raised objections about inadequate spending cuts in the measure; Davidson also aired concerns about how Republican leaders plan to handle the impending March 14 government funding deadline.

Trump spoke over the phone at various points with several of the holdouts, according to two Republicans familiar with the whip effort — Johnson later said the calls were “a big help.” Because of the House GOP’s tiny majority and the united opposition of Democrats, those four members could together block action.

But Johnson and Trump managed to win them over, one by one.

Spartz said in a online post that she came around because Trump had a “personal commitment to save healthcare and make it better for physical and fiscal health for all Americans. … I trust his word.”

Davidson said in his own post that he “finally received the assurances I needed that there will be cuts to discretionary spending” ahead of the March funding deadline “and that we will work together to develop a plan for further discretionary spending cuts that could survive passage in the Senate.”

And Burchett told reporters that Trump “committed to me that he is going to go after the spending in a lot of these big departments” and that more generally Republicans are “going in the right direction.”

“It’s not everything I wanted, but in this game, you’re either at the table or on the menu,” he said. “It’s time to get at the table.”

Only Massie remained unconvinced.

Meanwhile, a different faction of the GOP conference — moderate Republicans, many representing swing districts — had aired qualms about the scale of the Medicaid cuts implied by the budget plan.

That group, however, quickly softened: On Monday night, some said that a presentation from House leaders had moved them closer to supporting the budget plan, and by midday Tuesday, House leaders were confident enough to move toward a final vote.

After it was all over, top Democratic leaders said Republicans had betrayed Americans by advancing a plan that they said would cut taxes for the richest while cutting benefits for the poor and middle class.

“They chose their billionaire puppet masters over the American people,” said Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries. “Democrats were unified, and we will remain unified throughout this process, because this reckless Republican budget will bring nothing but destruction to the American people.”

Several Democrats who have faced health challenges and missed recent House votes rushed back to Washington for the budget showdown. That forced Johnson to scrounge up every vote he could.

Tuesday’s vote sets up a harsh reality check between House and Senate Republicans, who all want to push the president’s agenda forward but still have profoundly different approaches to key issues.

The Senate, for instance, is looking to avoid the deep cuts to Medicaid that the House is leaning on for significant cost cutting. Senate Republicans are also insisting that they won’t support a final measure that only extends Trump’s 2017 tax cuts temporarily. That could require making significant changes to the House blueprint, putting the fragile GOP support for the measure in jeopardy.

Senate Majority Leader John Thune congratulated the House GOP “for moving our team one step closer to advancing the president’s agenda” while also calling for a permanent extension to the Trump tax cuts — a goal that will be difficult to carry out under the House budget plan.

The House and Senate must adopt identical budget resolutions to unlock the power of reconciliation — which allows parties with unified control of Congress and the White House to pass massive policy bills along party lines, sidestepping the Senate filibuster.

CORRECTION: An earlier version of this report misstated the vote tally on the budget resolution.

Republican leaders from both sides of the Capitol will on Wednesday endeavor to settle on a unified GOP plan for approaching government funding negotiations with Democrats ahead of the March government shutdown deadline.

House Appropriations Chair Tom Cole said in an interview late Tuesday night that he and Speaker Mike Johnson are hoping to land an agreement with their Senate counterparts on “a path forward” on how to fund government programs. “The best-case scenario is that we walk out united about what we need to do,” the Oklahoma Republican said about the planned Wednesday confab with Senate Majority Leader John Thune and Senate Appropriations Chair Susan Collins (R-Maine).

While Cole said the government funding talks are “not a competition between the Senate and House,” he touted the House Republican victory in approving their budget resolution on Tuesday as bolstering Johnson’s stance in discussions with Collins and Thune.

“The speaker pulled off a big win tonight, so I think he’s in a much stronger position as we sit down tomorrow,” he said. “This is no disrespect to the Senate: I think we’re the decisive chamber.”

With federal funding set to run out in 17 days, top lawmakers in both parties have started to preemptively lay blame for a potential government shutdown. While Republicans and Democrats say they are close to a “topline” deal to set overall totals for military and non-defense programs, Democrats continue to demand conditions to restrict President Donald Trump’s ability to withhold funding Congress has appropriated — an ultimatum House GOP leaders say is a nonstarter that could spur a funding lapse come March 14 if the other party holds firm to that stipulation.

“If you want a numbers deal, we can get there. If you want us to try and bind the president of the United States, we’re not going to do that,” Cole said.

The Oklahoma Republican said Democrats have “bargained in good faith,” however, and that he and Collins “still very much want to negotiate a deal with our colleagues on the other side of the aisle.”

Cole and the dozen Republican “cardinals” who chair the funding panels on his committee met earlier Tuesday night with Johnson, ahead of the vote on the budget resolution.

“The speaker left all options on the table,” Cole said. “He explained where we’re at.”

If top lawmakers can’t hatch a bipartisan deal to fund the government in the next two and a half weeks, Cole warns that lawmakers will be forced to clear a “full-year” stopgap that keeps federal cash flowing at current levels through September. And even if an overall funding agreement is reached soon, Congress is likely to need at least a short-term funding patch to wrap up more granular negotiations on each of the dozen funding bills.

Elon Musk is beginning to wear out his welcome with congressional Republicans.

In the House, Speaker Mike Johnson on Tuesday shrugged off Musk’s attempt to interfere with his budget plan. In the Senate, North Carolina Sen. Thom Tillis pointedly suggested that President Donald Trump’s appointees should stand up to the billionaire’s whims, including his recent demand that all federal workers justify their employment. And a growing number of GOP lawmakers urged the tech mogul to show more compassion for the civil servants he’s already culled.

“As we get more Senate-confirmed leadership in the departments, I think they have to take the reins,” Tillis said in response to a POLITICO reporter’s question at the Capitol.

“They’re closer to it, they’re more granular, they’ll understand and be able to really implement thematically what they’re trying to do with DOGE,” Tillis said, “but to avoid some of the unintended outcomes that they have to go back and reverse.”

Meanwhile, some GOP members are calling on Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency to route its cuts through Congress in a process known as rescission. And even Republicans staunchly supportive of Musk’s mission to shrink the government are beginning to acknowledge public pushback to the speed and sweep of DOGE’s cuts.

While Trump has given the world’s richest man vast power to reshape the federal government, congressional Republicans are signaling there should be a limit to his authority. That particularly comes into play when he starts meddling in GOP leaders’ already-complicated legislative agenda.

Musk has gotten involved in complicated legislative fights before. In December, days before a government-shutdown deadline, he stoked conservative rage online about a broad bipartisan spending bill. Together with Trump and JD Vance, Musk forced Johnson to pull the bill and scramble for a new solution — irritating senior Hill Republicans who felt the billionaire was encouraging Trump to demand the impossible.

And Musk has hinted he might wade into spending negotiations again ahead of the next government funding deadline on March 14, saying in response to a post on X that a shutdown “sounds great.” Most Republicans are unwilling to openly flirt with a shutdown, worried they would take the political blame.

Musk’s latest attempt to insert himself into congressional business came Monday, when he waded into Johnson’s high-stakes negotiations with holdouts on his budget plan for Trump’s border security, energy and tax policies, replying “that sounds bad” in response to an X post from Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) that said Johnson’s budget framework would add to the deficit.

But the speaker told POLITICO Tuesday morning that he had “no concerns” that Musk’s meddling would affect his whip count. By Tuesday night, the House approved the budget bill, 217-215.

The growing pushback Musk is facing on Capitol Hill comes as courts, Cabinet secretaries and even the White House attempt to place limits on his authority as Trump’s chief government cutter.

The White House said in court papers earlier this month that Musk is not DOGE’s leader, but rather a senior adviser to the president who has “no actual or formal authority to make government decisions himself.” Several Cabinet secretaries — primarily those whose agencies are involved in national intelligence — directed their employees not to respond to Musk’s mandate for federal workers to outline five things they had accomplished in the preceding week or face firing. And federal judges have blocked Musk and DOGE from accessing Americans’ private information at several agencies, including the Treasury and Education departments.

Public opinion of Musk is also souring. Polling shows Americans now hold negative views of the X owner. Republican representatives were hounded in their districts over Musk’s cuts and potential GOP reductions to Medicaid and other safety-net programs.

A representative of DOGE did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

On Tuesday, Congress’ DOGE Caucus — lawmakers focused on cutting government spending through congressional actions — acknowledged the blowback while attempting to distance their group from Musk’s department.

Chair Aaron Bean (R-Fla.) noted the “uncomfortability of some members of Congress and the American people” are showing at the “speed of which President Trump and Elon Musk are going. They’ve got the pedal to the metal.”

But he also stood firm behind DOGE.

“I can tell you, it has to be done,” Bean said. “We have to downsize our federal government.”

Meredith Lee Hill contributed to this report.

President Donald Trump is “playing both sides” in getting his legislative agenda through Congress, according to two people familiar with his conversations about what’s happening on Capitol Hill — and he is growing increasingly ambivalent about whether it happens via competing House or Senate approaches.

Trump last week appeared to endorse Speaker Mike Johnson’s bid for “one big, beautiful bill,” then later in the week praised Senate Majority Leader John Thune as he advanced an alternative plan that would split Trump’s agenda into two pieces.

In fact, the two people said Trump just wants to see some movement. He said as much Tuesday afternoon as House leaders scrambled to win GOP votes to advance their plan.

“So the House has a bill and the Senate has a bill, and I’m looking at them both, and I’ll make decisions,” he told reporters in the Oval Office. “I know the Senate is doing very well and the House is doing very well. But each one of them has things that I like. So we’ll see if we can come together.”

Earlier in the day he had placed a call to one of the Republican holdouts in the House, Rep. Tim Burchett of Tennessee. Burchett said afterward it was a “nice conversation” but he remained undecided about the House plan backed by Johnson.

One of the people familiar with Trump’s conversations said the president wasn’t planning to make calls to whip votes for the House budget, but the chamber’s GOP leaders pushed him to get on the phone with some holdouts Tuesday afternoon. That person also said that the White House team is split on which approach to take, with policy chief Stephen Miller and budget czar Russell Vought advocating for Senate’s two-bill approach.

Trump is also increasingly wary of the Medicaid cuts that could be teed up as part of the House plan, fearing the wrath of his base. MAGA influencers, including his former chief strategist Steve Bannon, have been regularly railing against the idea.

President Donald Trump is speaking with some House Republican holdouts ahead of an imperiled vote on the GOP’s budget Tuesday evening.

House Majority Leader Steve Scalise said Trump had been “tremendously” helpful ahead of the critical vote. Speaker Mike Johnson likewise told reporters several House Republicans had called the president as they weighed their votes.

Several House Republicans are holding out for a commitment to deeper spending cuts, while others fear that the eventual legislation will cut Medicaid too deeply. Johnson can lose only one vote if all Republicans are present.

When asked at a press conference whether Trump is actively whipping votes for the House budget, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said the president is keeping an eye on both the House budget and the Senate budget. Senate Republicans’ plan would implement energy and border policies but leave an extension of expiring tax cuts for a second party-line bill.

“I am not aware of any calls that he has made,” said Leavitt. “He’s made it very clear to the Hill what his priorities for a budget are. He’s said it to the speaker of the House. He’s said it to [Senate Majority] Leader [John] Thune. The Senate and the House know what President Trump wants.”

Trump said in a Truth Social post last week that he would like all of his legislative priorities advanced in “one big beautiful bill.”

Rep. Tim Burchett (R-Tenn.) spoke to the president using what appeared to be Johnson’s phone as the two men walked to the House floor for a key procedural vote Tuesday afternoon. Johnson appeared to have called Trump and put him on the phone with Burchett.

Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.), a member of the far-right House Freedom Caucus, also reported that Trump was speaking to some members Tuesday afternoon ahead of a possible evening vote.

Nicholas Wu contributed to this report.

The Senate began its public vetting on Tuesday of President Donald Trump’s pick for the No. 2 post at the White House budget office, a position key to carrying out the president’s funding freeze.

Dan Bishop, a former congressmember from North Carolina, testified before senators in his first confirmation hearing to be deputy director of the Office of Management and Budget. Pledging to follow the orders of Trump and White House budget director Russell Vought, the OMB nominee vowed to “fix” a federal bureaucracy he characterized as “self-absorbed, inefficient, unaccountable and mal-administered.”

Bishop skirted a direct question about whether he would follow the law, or Trump, if the president directed him to take action that would break the law.

“I’m confident that President Trump will issue lawful orders. It would not be up to me, as serving in a non-lawyer capacity, to decide what is lawful and not lawful,” Bishop, a lawyer who lost his bid in November to be the attorney general of North Carolina, told senators on the Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee.

Already, Bishop is serving as a senior adviser to OMB as the budget office leads the Trump administration in freezing billions of dollars in foreign aid and federal grant money, prompting federal judges throughout the country to temporarily halt many of those actions amid lawsuits challenging their constitutionality.

During his five years in Congress, Bishop introduced bills he touted as a way to “drain the swamp” by making it easier to fire federal workers and blocking them from doing union work while on the clock. On Tuesday, he told senators he doesn’t think the Trump administration “is proceeding in an indiscriminate way to terminate employees” amid the firing of tens of thousands of federal workers.

Despite telling senators that he won’t be judging the legality of the president’s demands, Bishop laid out an argument for historical precedent supporting Trump’s power to freeze funding, telling senators that former President Harry Truman canceled a squadron of bombers that Congress approved despite his veto.

“These things have happened across history by presidents,” he said.

Bishop also noted that Trump “has run on the issue of impoundment.” On the campaign trail, Trump argued that the more than 50-year-old Impoundment Control Act, which blocks presidents from withholding money without Congress’ approval, is unconstitutional.

Democrats were not impressed. “I will skip the irony,” Sen. Elissa Slotkin (D-Mich.) said, “of a congressman who ran for office and was deeply involved in appropriating dollars — and voting on those things for years and years and years — now being seemingly willing to give up that authority. It’s a fundamental principle.”

On the other side of the aisle, Republicans gushed over Bishop.

Sen. Ted Budd (R-N.C.), who has known Bishop since he was a county commissioner in Charlotte about two decades ago, praised the OMB deputy nominee for “his care for people,” as well as “his commitment to stopping runaway spending and getting the federal budget under control.”

Bishop is likely to be confirmed with the same unanimous Republican support Vought received earlier this month. Like Bishop, Vought also would not promise senators that he would not circumvent impoundment law, after famously freezing aid to Ukraine during Trump’s first presidency.

Vought is now leading the charge to carry out Trump’s executive orders demanding the freeze of foreign aid, as well as funding from the Democrats’ 2022 Inflation Reduction Act and the bipartisan infrastructure package enacted in 2021.

Bishop told senators on Tuesday that he is “thrilled” with Vought’s work.

“And I can assure you, he is the man to get the management of the federal government back on track,” Bishop said. “If confirmed, I look forward to serving as his deputy.”

Bipartisan talks to add judges to the federal judiciary are over — at least for now.

At a Tuesday morning hearing of the House Judiciary Courts, Intellectual Property, and the Internet Subcommittee, Republicans and Democrats blamed the other for the demise of a deal last year to add dozens of new judgeships to U.S. courts.

House Republicans failed to bring the agreement, in the form of legislation, up for a vote until after President Donald Trump’s election victory. Following its passage on the House floor, then-President Joe Biden vetoed the legislation in a bid to block Trump from being able to add a host of new conservative judges to the bench.

“In my 24-plus years here in Washington, it was the first time I ever saw a bipartisan, bicameral bill vetoed by a President,” said subcommittee Chair Darrell Issa (R-Calif.). “It didn’t have to happen, and it shouldn’t have happened.”

Both sides conceded that the federal courts are severely understaffed, but it appears that lingering bad feelings will pose an insurmountable obstacle.

Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-Md.), the ranking member of the full House Judiciary Committee, proposed that lawmakers vote on the same bill that passed last Congress — except the judicial appointments would begin during the next president’s term.

“Itching to appoint loyal MAGA judges to the bench to uphold the lawlessness of Elon Musk and Donald Trump … they are very happy to talk about creating new seats on the federal bench,” Raskin said at the hearing. “Our friends seem to believe today only in, ‘heads I win, tails you lose.’”

That compromise isn’t likely to fly with Republicans who are eager to expand their influence across the judiciary now.

The House Republican approach to President Donald Trump’s sweeping domestic policy agenda moved a step closer to approval after Republicans stayed united on a test vote, setting up a possible final floor vote Tuesday evening.

The Trump-backed fiscal blueprint still faces tough odds on final adoption, with a handful of conservative hard-liners demanding it get rewritten to guarantee deeper spending cuts. Speaker Mike Johnson can only afford one GOP defection on a party-line vote if all members are voting.

But clearing the procedural hurdle was still a victory for Johnson, who made public and private appeals to holdouts with concerns about the underlying budget measure. The final vote was 217-211; one Republican, Dan Crenshaw of Texas, and four Democrats — Raúl Grijalva of Arizona, Kevin Mullin of California, Brittany Pettersen of Colorado and Frederica Wilson of California — did not vote.

The whipping for the final budget vote was underway as lawmakers voted Tuesday afternoon — an effort that included the president.

Rep. Tim Burchett (R-Tenn.) walked into the chamber while talking on the phone with Trump, continuing a conversation that appeared to begin in Johnson’s office. “Thank you, Mr. President,” he was overheard saying; he confirmed to a reporter that it was Trump. When the call wrapped, Burchett handed the phone back to Johnson in the back of the House chamber.

Johnson separately spoke to two key GOP holdouts on the floor — Reps. Warren Davidson of Ohio and Thomas Massie of Kentucky.

The afternoon vote, on a rule setting up floor consideration of the budget measure, was helped along because it also set up votes on two energy-related Congressional Review Act measures that have broad Republican support.

Johnson hopes to push the fiscal blueprint through the House on Tuesday evening. Adopting the budget measure is a key step toward passing the “big, beautiful bill” that Trump and top House Republicans have called for — one that includes border security, tax and energy provisions that the president campaigned on.

Meredith Lee Hill and Nicholas Wu contributed to this report. 

Tensions are boiling over inside the typically bipartisan House Energy and Commerce Committee, with Democrats railing against Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency and the GOP’s plan to extend Trump-era tax cuts.

With little power in GOP-led Washington, Democrats are hijacking a markup to adopt the committee’s oversight plan to advance their message — both by speechifying and forcing votes on more than 50 likely-doomed amendments on thorny issues like preventing spending cuts to Medicaid, condemning President Donald Trump’s firing of inspectors general and disapproving of Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s anti-vaccine leanings.

At times raising their voices and pounding the dias, Democrats are arguing this isn’t business-as-usual amid what they see as unconstitutional and illegal behavior from the Trump administration, and that the Republican oversight plan for committee business in the 119th Congress does little to hold the president and his people to account.

Lawmakers sparred over one amendment for more than an hour aimed at preventing cuts to Medicaid. House Republicans are looking to ram through a budget resolution later in the day that would set parameters for the major party-line package to enact huge swaths of Trump’s domestic agenda.

It may not have the support to advance amid concerns from many lawmakers — including some who sit on Energy and Commerce — about the likelihood of having to make major reductions to Medicaid in order to finance the bill. The safety net program is directly under the committee’s purview, putting Energy and Commerce members at the tip of the spear of a politically dicey exercise.

Republicans have tried to tamp down opposition by saying those offsets would be secured through more work requirements and taking away benefits from illegal immigrants. Rep. Buddy Carter (R-Ga.), the chair of the health subcommittee, said Medicaid needs to be preserved to protect vulnerable Americans as unchecked spending growth is putting the program at risk, and that fraud, waste and abuse in the system should be addressed.

“We’re only going to do this in a responsible way,” said full committee chair Brett Guthrie (R-Ky.). “We’re not going to do this in a way that threatens hospitals.”

But Democrats countered the GOP will not be able to reach its savings target without major disruptions to Medicaid benefits across-the-board.

“We have not heard a single concrete number of the amount of waste and abuse that has been identified. There’s kind of this vague magic wand around waste,” said Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.). “What’s being suggested is that … people people seeing the doctor is a waste.”

The amendment was not adopted, with no Republican voting in favor.

Republicans are largely defending their oversight plan, saying it closely hews to the agenda roadmap the GOP-led Energy and Commerce Committee advanced in the previous Congress. But speaking in favor of one Democratic amendment that would have the panel investigate the Office of Management and Budget’s recent funding cuts at the National Institute of Health, Ocasio-Cortez said such comparisons were disingenuous.

“DOGE did not exist two years ago. Nineteen-year-olds were not raiding the Treasury two years ago,” Ocasio-Cortez said. “Elon Musk is not a scientist. He is not an engineer. He is a billionaire conman with a lot of money. … These are peoples’ lives that are on the line and we cannot laugh them away.”

Carter countered the Trump administration is looking to make the health research agency more efficient and pointed to declining trust in health agencies: “This committee has the broadest jurisdiction of any committee in Congress. It would be virtually impossible for us to include everything we’re going to be looking at.”

Rep. Diana DeGette (D-Colo.), the ranking member of the panel’s health subcommittee, fired back, saying that such plans are generally inclusive of what the party in power wants.

That amendment was voted down along party lines, alongside another amendment that would have added language to the oversight blueprint instructing the committee to “investigate the constitutionality and legality of the Trump administration’s seizure of congressionally appropriated funds.”

Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.) is recovering back in North Dakota after falling on Sunday and suffering a “severe concussion,” he said in a Facebook post.

Cramer, who turned 64 last month, said that he was walking down to his dock earlier this week when he “stepped on ice and evidently fell hard, hitting the back of my head.”

“I do not remember anything from the fall until arriving at Sanford Health emergency room with Kris. After seeing the emergency doctor, taking some tests, including a CT Scan, and seeing a neurologist, I was diagnosed with a severe concussion, a seizure, and a slight brain bleed,” Cramer wrote on Monday.

“I am better today with only a slight brain bleed and pretty bad headaches. Doctors prefer I rest a little longer before returning to DC, so I do not know exactly when that will happen. It will be day to day this week, but I am ready to return quickly if events require it,” Cramer added.

Cramer previously suffered a serious hand injury in 2022, keeping him temporarily away from Washington.

His absence this time will leave the Senate Republican majority temporarily capped at 52 seats, which is still enough for the GOP to confirm nominees without needing help from Democrats so long as they remain mostly united.

Senate Republicans are currently awaiting to see if their House counterparts can adopt a budget resolution this week that would tee up a sweeping tax, border, energy and defense bill.