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House leaders do not plan to hold a vote to extend President Donald Trump’s temporary takeover of the D.C. police before it expires next week, according to three people granted anonymity to describe internal planning.

Speaker Mike Johnson said as he left the House floor Thursday that D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser’s announcement this week that she would coordinate with federal law enforcement on an indefinite basis going forward seemingly “resolved some of” the issues.

The decision not to act on the police takeover guarantees that Trump’s 30-day emergency order will expire Sept. 10. While Senate Democrats have vowed for weeks to block the bill in the Senate using their filibuster powers, House leaders might have called a vote anyway to force vulnerable Democrats to take a position on urban crime.

Senate Republicans aren’t expected to give an extension a vote, either. A senator could try to clear it by unanimous consent, but such a request could be easily blocked on the floor.

Bowser on Wednesday called for the end of the police takeover, which Trump invoked under a provision of the 52-year-old law granting limited local autonomy to the District government. She has also been critical of Trump’s deployment of National Guard troops and ICE agents within the capital — but has welcomed a surge of other federal law enforcement, such as FBI agents and U.S. Park Police.

“I want the message to be clear to the Congress: We have a framework to request or use federal resources in our city,” Bowser said. “We don’t need a presidential emergency.”

The House could vote within weeks, however, on other D.C.-related measures. An Oversight Committee markup is set for Wednesday on legislation dealing with youth crime in the city, the D.C. education system and restrictions on law enforcement, according to a person granted anonymity to disclose details ahead of a public announcement.

A list of bills under consideration, obtained by POLITICO, includes a number of provisions that would heighten the federal government’s control of the D.C. government. One bill would eliminate the elected D.C. attorney general and fill the job with a presidential appointee. Others would reverse a D.C. policy against police auto pursuits and lower the age at which minors can be considered adults for some violent crimes.

Johnson was also asked Thursday about $2 billion in D.C. beautification funding Trump has said he wants Congress to deliver. He replied he was “not sure the current status of it” and was “awaiting further details on the request.”

Johnson also said Thursday that a nationwide crime bill was “on the table,” while Senate Majority Leader John Thune said it was “yet to be determined” what such a bill might look like.

Senate Judiciary Chair Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) is involved in preliminary talks with House and Senate Republicans as well as the Justice Department about a broader crime bill.

“My expectation is again that the House, the Senate, the speaker and I at some point will have that conversation,” Thune said. “Figure out exactly what [Trump] envisions that looking like and what we can accomplish and get through the Senate and the House.”

Jordain Carney, Hailey Fuchs and Michael Schaffer contributed to this report. 

The White House has a messaging hurdle with President Donald Trump’s “One Big Beautiful Bill” – and they’re looking for Congress to help clear it.

Senior administration officials, including Labor Secretary Lori Chavez-DeRemer, met Wednesday with lawmakers to make the case that they should be selling their constituents on the more popular elements of the bill and their impact on working families, including tax cuts.

“There’s a lot of really good, popular stuff in there when you break down the bill individually,” said a person familiar with the thinking of senior White House officials granted anonymity to speak about strategy.

Republicans can only lose a handful of seats to retain control of the House and prevent Democrats from thwarting the president’s agenda in his final two years in office — which makes selling the megalaw a major priority for the White House.

Democrats were able to attack the “blob of the bill,” the person said, referring to the unpopular nature of the overall law. But, “now you’re going to have the individual parts.”

White House aides, including press secretary Karoline Leavitt and deputy chief of staff James Blair, urged Republicans to underscore the law’s tax cuts such as those on tipped wages and an increase in the child tax credit.

The pair also warned them against shying away from Democrats’ attacks on Medicaid, according to a senior White House official granted anonymity to discuss private conversations.

“We encourage them to remain firm on messaging the fact that Medicaid spending is actually going to increase,” the same official said. “We did not cut Medicaid, as the Democrats are lying and saying we did.”

The Congressional Budget Office estimated that nearly 8 million fewer Americans will have access to Medicaid by 2034 because of the new law, including a work requirement that the GOP has long supported.

Leavitt and Blair also equipped lawmakers with a tangible midterm playbook closely following Trump’s 2024 strategy, according to the White House official. The key components: target low propensity voters and blitz the local media market.

Wednesday’s meeting, widely attended by House Republicans fresh off the August recess, included a polling presentation from Tony Fabrizio, Republican pollster and strategist, who guided members toward the economic components of the megalaw that White House aides believe polls better with constituents, according to the same White House official.

Two senior White House officials say Trump will hit the campaign trail to galvanize some of those atypical, unmotivated midterm voters but is unlikely to do so until 2026.

Republicans have their work cut out for them. A Pew poll conducted last month found that 46 percent of Americans disapprove of the law, while 32 percent approve. Another 23 percent said they’re unsure, perhaps providing an opening for Republicans – or Democrats – who are trying to brand the effort.

After months of pushing the legislation through Congress under Trump’s “One Big Beautiful Bill” label, the rebranding effort isn’t rolling off the tongue on Capitol Hill.

“Remember all the machinations getting to the conclusion of the – what are we calling it now? Working Families Tax Act something?,” Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas) mused to reporters Thursday morning.

“It’s the Big, Beautiful Working Families Tax Act,” Rep. Andrew Clyde (R-Ga.) jumped in.

“Correct,” Roy laughed. “Exactly.”

Mia McCarthy contributed to this report.

Rep. Tim Burchett and a protester got into a physical altercation Thursday outside of the Longworth House Office Building that ended with the Tennessee Republican forcefully shoving the man.

The scrap took place shortly after the final House votes of the week. The protester accosted Burchett about his stance regarding the Israel-Hamas war and then bumped the lawmaker, Burchett’s office said, prompting him to respond with the shove.

Capitol Police officers questioned the protester after the incident. The department did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

“Everyone has a right to their opinion, and they can say all of the filthy stuff they want. But they don’t have the right to bump the Congressman,” Will Garrett, a spokesperson for Burchett, said in a statement.

Burchett said afterward the man “had bad breath.”

A frequent thorn in the side of House GOP leaders, Burchett had a prior confrontation with Kevin McCarthy, the former speaker, not long after he voted to depose McCarthy from his role.

Meredith Lee Hill contributed to this report.

Stephen Miran, President Donald Trump’s nominee for an open seat on the Federal Reserve, said he would take an unpaid leave of absence from his current role at the White House rather than resign.

Miran made the comment during his Senate confirmation hearing Thursday, which was focused on the question of whether he would be sufficiently independent from the president after serving as Trump’s chief economist and close adviser all year. Fed board seats have fixed terms, and the position for which he is nominated expires at the end of January.

“I have received advice from counsel that what is required is an unpaid leave of absence from the Council of Economic Advisers,” he told the Banking Committee. “And so, considering the term for which I’m being nominated is a little bit more than four months, that is what I will be taking.”

He said if he were later confirmed to a longer term, he would resign.

Democrats sharply questioned his decision.

“Your independence has already been seriously compromised by your statement,” said Sen. Jack Reed of Rhode Island. “You are going to be technically an employee of the president of the United States but an independent member of the board of the Federal Reserve. That’s ridiculous.”

Added Sen. Andy Kim of New Jersey: “Why do you even want this job at the Fed for four months, if you’re just hedging your bets and just continuing to hold your position at the White House?”

Miran fielded questions from senators from both parties who stressed that it was important for Fed officials to make decisions based on their assessment of the economic outlook and not on guidance from the president.

“Look, the president nominated me because I have policy views that I suppose that he liked,” he told Chair Tim Scott (R-S.C.). “If I’m confirmed to this role, I will act independently, as the Federal Reserve always does, based on my own personal analysis of economic data.”

Miran said he had not been asked by anyone to commit, formally or informally, to lowering rates.

But he also hinted he was open to input from the president, among other outside voices.

“That said, I’m always happy to hear views from every source possible,” he said. “It’s important to me to hear a variety of views to make sure that I really do think that the things that I think, to challenge my own views and interrogate them, and hearing a variety of views on that matter is always helpful.”

Speaker Mike Johnson said Thursday he doesn’t believe a bipartisan effort to force a House vote compelling the release of Jeffrey Epstein-related documents will succeed.

Asked about the discharge petition led by Reps. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) and Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), Johnson said he doubted they would convince enough Republicans to sign on.

Massie and three other GOP members have so far signed; at least two more House Republicans would be needed in order to end-run Johnson and force a vote on requiring the Justice Department to release its entire file on the disgraced sex trafficker.

“I don’t expect he will,” Johnson said when asked about Massie’s chances of success.

White House officials are running an intense pressure campaign to keep Republicans from joining the discharge effort. Trump aides have made calls to GOP members who have co-sponsored the Massie-Khanna measure, pressuring those who haven’t signed to keep their names off the discharge petition and those who have to remove their names, according to three Republicans granted anonymity to discuss the conversations.

“They’re using everything they got. Jim Braid is calling …. Jeff Freeland is calling, James Blair is calling. In some cases, president is talking to people,” Massie said in an interview Thursday morning on the administration’s pressure campaign to peel away House GOP support. Braid is the White House director of legislative affairs, while Freeland is the House liaison and Blair is deputy chief of staff.

Johnson said in a separate interview Thursday that Massie’s effort is “superfluous” after Republicans approved a leadership-blessed measure encouraging the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee to continue its pending Epstein probe.

That vote is symbolic in nature and was put forward by GOP leaders as a way to head off Massie’s binding effort.

Johnson also said he suspected President Donald Trump will “probably” meet with Epstein’s victims, some of whom came to Capitol Hill Wednesday to appear with Massie and Khanna.

Massie, meanwhile, said he believed that the necessary 218 signers were within reach. He declined to say who the additional two supporters would be, explaining that he made a “tactical error” in revealing earlier in the process that his goal was to get 12 cosponsors and thereby “gave the White House a roadmap of who to torment.”

He told reporters he suspected it would take an additional week or two of lobbying his colleagues, as Republicans sift through the first batch of nearly 33,000 files DOJ handed over as part of House Oversight’s Epstein investigation and discover “there’s almost nothing new in there, and everything that’s interesting is redacted.”

But other Republicans echoed Johnson’s concerns with the underlying Massie bill, which would require the Department of Justice to turn over the Epstein Files in 30 days with limited redactions. Rep. Tim Burchett, for one, met with the Epstein accusers earlier this week and said in a brief interview that he was “afraid in our rush to [release the files] we might damage some of those ladies.”

Rep. Eric Burlison, a member of House Oversight, said there may be a point at which Massie’s petition provides a useful political tool, if the Justice Department drags its feet on handing over new information. But the Oversight panel was already making significant progress, he said.

Mia McCarthy contributed to this report.

The progressive group Justice Democrats, which focuses on primarying safe-seat Democrats in hopes of moving the party to the left, is throwing its weight behind Angela Gonzales-Torres, a challenger to incumbent Democratic Rep. Jimmy Gomez of California.

In a sign of the party fissures over the war in Gaza that could erupt in the race, Gonzales-Torres bashed Gomez in a new video over his financial support from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee’s super PAC. She also said “I am not taking a dime from AIPAC” and called the conflict in Gaza a “genocide.”

Justice Democrats, founded by alumni of Bernie Sanders’ 2016 campaign, is mounting an offensive campaign to grow the so-called Squad in Congress after retreating last year amid an onslaught of spending against the left. The group became well-known after helping elect Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in her 2018 upset.

The endorsement of Gonzales-Torres in California’s 34th Congressional District marks the second time the group has backed a candidate in the 2026 election cycle. In 2024, Justice Democrats did not endorse any challengers to sitting Democrats and instead worked to keep their preferred incumbents in office.

“Angela is exactly what Los Angeles needs in Congress right now: a working-class champion with the moral courage to not only fight back against the Trump administration’s cruelty with the urgency it demands but also take on the Democratic Party when the corporate establishment fails to fight for our communities,” Justice Democrats executive director Alexandra Rojas said in a statement.

Gomez has previously been targeted by challenges from the left but has repeatedly prevailed in his Los Angeles-based district.

Gonzales-Torres announced her bid in April. She supports defunding Immigration and Customs Enforcement and her campaign has highlighted the fact that her father was deported to Mexico when she was 15 years old. She previously served as president of the Historic Highland Park Neighborhood Council.

HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. testifies before Senate Finance on Thursday morning. You should be watching how Sen. Bill Cassidy questions him.

Cassidy is walking a fine line amid a tumultuous relationship with President Donald Trump. If Cassidy, a doctor, openly clashes with Kennedy, who recently pushed out a panel of vaccine experts and ousted the head of the CDC, that could imperil the Louisiana Republican’s reelection hopes — which hinge on maintaining Trump’s favor.

Cassidy voted to convict Trump in 2021 over Jan. 6 and has been largely cast aside by the Republican base since. But as 2026 comes into focus, Cassidy has stood firmly by the White House, highlighting his support for the president’s nominees.

Senate Republicans have privately urged the president to endorse Cassidy. They see him as a diligent legislator and a team player.

It’s unlikely Trump will publicly support someone who voted to impeach him. But five Republicans granted anonymity to speak candidly told POLITICO it’s a real possibility that Trump could choose to remain silent.

“Of course I prefer his endorsement but if it’s not an endorsement, neutral is probably the next best thing,” Cassidy said.

Who else we’re watching in Thursday’s hearing: Republicans who no longer need a future Trump endorsement, notably Sen. Thom Tillis. The North Carolina lawmaker, who voted against Trump’s megabill after announcing his retirement, could be more confrontational about the firing of Susan Monarez just a month after her confirmation.

“You worked with this CDC director for some number of months, then you decided to put her forth for confirmation, and then you fired her four weeks later. Why would we put a priority on replacing her if you determined within four weeks you made a bad decision after months of actually seeing her at work?” Tillis told reporters Wednesday. “That’s a question I have for him.”

What else we’re watching: 

— CR updates: Appropriations Chairs Rep. Tom Cole (R-Okla.) and Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine) now want to pass three full-year bills funding the Department of Agriculture and the legislative branch plus military facility funding and veterans’ programs, plus a short-term continuing resolution for the nine remaining bills. Top Democratic appropriators like Sen. Patty Murray of Washington state came out in support of the plan endorsed by Cole and Collins — as long as it’s bipartisan.

— Miran in the hot seat: Senate Banking will consider Stephen Miran for a vacancy on the Federal Reserve board in a confirmation hearing Thursday. Expect intense debate over Trump’s decision to fire Fed Gov. Lisa Cook, though Tillis — who is a pivotal swing vote and has said he would not consider a replacement for Cook until after her firing is litigated in court — told POLITICO on Wednesday he is a “lean yes” on Miran.

— Codel heads to the border: A bipartisan delegation of Problem Solvers Caucus members is heading to GOP Rep. Juan Ciscomani’s Arizona district Thursday to tour the U.S.-Mexico border with Customs and Border Patrol, according to a person familiar with the plans. The group, led by Ciscomani and Democratic Rep. Jimmy Panetta of California, includes Democratic Reps. Tom Suozzi (N.Y.) and Jim Costa (Calif.) and GOP Reps. Brian Fitzpatrick (Pa.) and Chuck Edwards (N.C.).

Jordain Carney, Benjamin Guggenheim, Calen Razor and Jasper Goodman contributed to this report. 

When Jerry Nadler announced his retirement this week, he opted to directly address a question that’s been roiling the Democratic Party since Joe Biden’s withering debate performance last year: How old is too old to run for office?

The 78-year-old congressmember cited his age as a factor in his departure plans from a safe seat in New York City. And in doing so, he earned praise from some of the party’s younger agitators — though based on interviews, it’ll take more than a handful of elderly lawmakers like Nadler heeding their calls to step aside to repair the intra-party rift.

As it is, the vast majority of Democrats who are 70 or older are publicly running for another House term.

Against that backdrop, a trend of acknowledging the party’s age problem — often tacitly — is beginning to emerge, even as other senior members of the party are likely to stay put.

Four House Democrats, including Nadler, and four Senate Democrats over the age of 65 have said this year that they are stepping down from Congress. A fifth House Democrat said he would retire from his home district if Texas’ proposed redistricting maps survive legal challenges. Democrats believe even more departures could be coming with a government shutdown deadline looming and lawmakers evaluating their futures after returning from their August recess.

“These retirements are a great example of maturity from these leaders to make the difficult decision for them of knowing even after you’ve served somewhere for decades that it’s time for somebody else to lead,” Leaders We Deserve co-founder David Hogg said in an interview, specifically responding to Nadler’s news.

But 25-year-old Hogg, who has become a leading voice for generational change within his party, also pledged to continue his plan to financially support some candidates who challenge older incumbent Democrats.

“There is still more of a need for us to bring in some fresh blood into this party and help rejuvenate it,” he said, “and show people how the party is changing in the wake of a pretty major loss last election cycle.”

More than 80 House members are 70 or older, a statistic younger Democrats like Hogg cite to underscore their argument that a party in turmoil needs generational change. Only one House member is in his 20s, and the vast majority of older congressional members are expected to run for reelection.

Still, some Democrats who have announced their retirement have explicitly cited age as a factor.

Nadler told the New York Times that “watching the Biden thing really said something about the necessity for generational change in the party, and I think I want to respect that.” Illinois Rep. Jan Schakowsky, 81, announced in the spring she wouldn’t seek reelection, saying, “It is now time for me to pass the baton” and this week praising the “new voices” as “so sharp, so articulate, so self-assured. It’s wonderful.”

Minnesota Sen. Tina Smith, 67, likewise said earlier this year that “it’s important that people in my position do what they can to lift up the next generation of leaders” when unveiling her retirement. And 83-year-old Illinois Rep. Danny Davis told supporters in July when he decided to retire that “this would be a great time to try and usher in new leadership.”

As Democrats search for a path out of the political wilderness, they have faced a push for fresh faces from voters and activists who have urged their leaders to mount a more visible resistance to President Donald Trump. The impatience from younger Democrats has led several primary challengers to attempt to turn incumbents’ age into a liability. Three House Democrats have died in office this year, further fueling the contentious debate on the left.

“The boomer generation has held on to some of these seats for a long time,” said New York City-based Democratic strategist Evan Thies. “And we saw in the last election that even very accomplished, highly competent and productive elder electeds are now at risk of not winning their elections simply because they’re older.”

Even agitators like Hogg have carved out exceptions to their push to oust senior Democrats, which he insists is motivated by effectiveness and not solely age. Hogg, whose primary plans caused an uproar within the Democratic National Committee that culminated in his ouster as a party vice chair, has exempted Democratic luminaries like Nancy Pelosi, 85, from his anti-incumbent movement. And he has said the same of Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), 83, who still draws huge crowds even as he signals this term could be his last in the Senate.

“Generational change has been underway in the House Democratic caucus for the last several years, and it’s something that every caucus member, regardless of which generation they find themselves in, has embraced,” House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, 55, told reporters Tuesday when asked about generational change and Nadler’s decision. “What the record shows is leadership to rank-and-file-members to committee positions, and at all points in between.”

This year, House Democrats elevated a younger, rising star in the party, Rep. Robert Garcia, as their top member of the Oversight Committee, and Jeffries himself had participated in a changing of the guard when Pelosi stepped aside as speaker, along with her top lieutenants, Reps. Steny Hoyer and Jim Clyburn, to make way for a younger trio.

Rep. Jared Huffman took over as the top Democrat on the Natural Resources Committee from Rep. Raúl Grijalva, who stepped aside amid a cancer battle and later died. And Rep. Angie Craig won a caucus-wide election to be the top Agriculture Committee Democrat after Rep. David Scott also dropped his bid amid health questions.

In a move that some younger Democrats have criticized, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer has actively recruited older, well-known Democrats like former Ohio Sen. Sherrod Brown and former North Carolina Gov. Roy Cooper in his long-shot bid to flip the upper chamber. Other Senate Democratic candidates are younger, including Rep. Chris Pappas, 45, in New Hampshire and the trio of Democrats running in Michigan.

Some senior House Democrats are keeping others in the party guessing about their future plans. Two top members of the previous generation of House Democratic leadership — Pelosi and Hoyer — have been publicly noncommittal on their re-election plans, though Pelosi has filed for re-election. And others who have faced competitive primary challenges amid broader health questions, like Rep. David Scott (D-Ga.), have said they’re still running for re-election.

Hoyer spokesperson Margaret Mulkerrin said in a statement he was “focused on holding the Trump Administration accountable, protecting democracy at home and abroad, supporting federal employees and civil servants, and delivering for Maryland’s 5th District.”

Jumaane Williams, the 49-year-old New York City Public Advocate, applauded Nadler for stepping down after “watching what happened to the country, particularly around President Biden.”

“I think the party in general should be learning this lesson,” he said. “Hopefully, when it’s my turn, I have that lesson, too.”

With additional reporting by Jeff Coltin and Shia Kapos.

CORRECTION: This spelling of Margaret Mulkerrin’s name has been corrected in this story.

Republicans are preparing to change the Senate rules to confirm most of President Donald Trump’s nominees a lot faster.

GOP senators huddled behind closed doors Wednesday to talk through proposals for a party-line overhaul of how presidential nominations are handled — the first time they’ve been able to meet in person since frustration about the slow pace of confirmations boiled over earlier this summer.

Republicans are coalescing around a plan to allow multiple nominees to be confirmed with one vote instead of votes on each individual nomination. And they intend to move fast: Senators expect the plan to be enacted before a weeklong break currently scheduled to start on Sept. 22.

The change would not apply to Cabinet-level nominees or picks for the Supreme Court and courts of appeals, senators said. Republicans are discussing whether to include nominees to federal district courts but haven’t yet reached a final consensus as they work to refine the proposal.

“The consensus is … arriving around the idea of being able to confirm multiple nominees at the same time,” Wyoming Sen. John Barrasso, the No. 2 GOP leader, said after the meeting.

Republicans are projecting confidence that they will be able to invoke the “nuclear option” in Senate parlance — that is, change the rules with a simple majority vote along party lines. But party leaders need to ensure the votes are locked down as they work through the fine details.

Three GOP senators could break ranks and still let Vice President JD Vance break a tie. Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) has already said he doesn’t support going nuclear.

It’s just the latest change over the past decade to the Senate’s rules on nominations. Democrats, under then-Majority Leader Harry Reid, got rid of the 60-vote threshold for most nominations, and Republicans subsequently got rid of the same threshold for the Supreme Court.

Republicans also changed the rules during the first Trump administration to cut down on the amount of debate time required for most executive nominees as well as district court judges.

They’re also leaving the door open to allowing recess appointments, which would let the president bypass the Senate altogether, at least temporarily. But that idea is sparking unease in some corners of the conference, and some Republicans argue that a permanent rules change that would also apply to future administrations is the better option.

Even as Republicans move toward overhauling confirmation procedures, GOP senators reiterated this week that there is no appetite within the conference to get rid of the “blue slip” tradition, which allows senators to block district court and Justice Department nominees in their home states. Some Republicans said they’ve reached out to Democrats to see if there’s any appetite for bipartisan rules changes, but GOP senators anticipate they will need to act along party lines.

Democrats have defended their slow-walking of Trump’s nominees with Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer saying last week that “historically bad nominees deserve a historic level of scrutiny by Senate Democrats.”

House members voted largely along party lines Wednesday to formally establish a new panel to investigate the events around the Jan. 6, 2021 attack on the Capitol.

It’s the latest chapter in the Republican effort to rewrite the history of the events at the Capitol on that day, when a violent mob stormed the building as lawmakers attempted to certify the results of the 2020 presidential election in favor of Joe Biden over Donald Trump.

House Democrats ran their own Jan. 6 committee when they held the majority, where they held public hearings and released a report detailing Trump’s efforts to circumvent the election results and his failure to stop his supporters from taking over the complex.

This new, GOP-led select subcommittee will fall under the purview of the House Judiciary Committee and be chaired by Rep. Barry Loudermilk (R-Ga.), who will in his new role have unilateral authority to issue subpoenas. He plans to use his gavel to review security and intelligence failures around the attacks; many GOP lawmakers have blamed then-Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) for allowing the Capitol to be breached in the first place and have in general downplayed the significance of the event.

Loudermilk will preside over a group of eight lawmakers to be appointed by Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.); Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) will be able to consult on at most three of those members. In an interview, Loudermilk said he was sending Johnson his picks, and while the list had not yet been finalized, he pointed to Rep. Troy Nehls (R-Texas) as a potential selection.

Nehls is a former sheriff who helped Capitol Police stave off rioters who tried break onto the House floor during the siege. Then-House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) had initially made Nehls one of his picks to sit on the Democratic-led Jan. 6 committee, but withdrew GOP participation after Pelosi refused to seat his other selections, including the current Judiciary Committee Chair Jim Jordan (R-Ohio).

Asked how the previous Jan. 6 committee will inform the new panel’s work, Loudermilk said the goal was to create a report that more accurately reflected the events at the Capitol that day.

“The evidence is irrefutable that there was more politics than there was truth in that,” he said of the previous panel’s findings. “What we saw in the initial investigation, there was a lot more politics involved in decision-making than there ever should’ve been.”

Loudermilk will be required to produce a final report of the subcommittee’s finding by the end of 2026.