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Speaker Mike Johnson heard a plea from a military family to move legislation paying active-duty forces amid the government shutdown in a remarkable televised exchange Thursday.

Johnson was already under pressure from a growing number of fellow House Republicans to pass legislation to prevent a potential missed paycheck due Oct. 15. But on C-SPAN, he heard directly from “Samantha,” a caller who identified herself as a Republican military mom from Fort Belvoir in Virginia and urged him to call the House back and take action.

“I’m begging you to pass this legislation,” she said, her voice cracking. “My kids could die.”

Johnson so far has ruled out that possibility, arguing that it’s incumbent on Senate Democrats to pass the seven-week stopgap measure the House passed last month. The House has not returned since. The caller was not convinced by that argument.

“As a Republican, I’m very disappointed in my party, and I’m very disappointed in you, because you do have the power to call the House back,” she said, adding, “You could stop this and you could be the one that could say: ‘Military is getting paid.’… And I think it is awful and the audacity of someone who makes six figures a year to do this to military families is insane.”

The caller said she has “two medically fragile children,” a husband who has PTSD from two tours in Afghanistan and that her family lives paycheck to paycheck.

“Samantha, I’m so sorry to hear about your situation,” Johnson replied, saying he has been “so angry” this week because of situations like hers. He noted he has huge numbers of impacted military members in his own district.

But Johnson also claimed Senate Democrats led by Minority Leader Chuck Schumer would block such a standalone bill in the Senate, and he argued that Democrats are holding troop pay hostage as they continue to block the House-approved stopgap measure.

“Democrats are the ones preventing you from getting a check,” Johnson said, arguing it would be a “show vote” in the House. Schumer declined to address whether Democrats would back a standalone troop pay measure in comments to reporters Wednesday. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries said he supported the move.

White House officials, meanwhile, are quietly preparing a slate of options to shift funds in order to pay troops if Congress doesn’t act in time. Trump will not let the military pay lapse, they’ve said.

In his C-SPAN appearance — the first live-caller appearance on the network for a House speaker in 24 years — Johnson was also peppered with a series of questions about the expiring Affordable Care Act insurance subsidies, GOP cuts to Medicaid and the fallout for rural hospitals as well as Trump’s threats to mass fire federal workers and deployment of military troops to American cities.

One GOP caller praised Johnson’s work as speaker. Another said Johnson’s characterization that people in cities where Trump has deployed the National Guard are happy with the results was “dystopian.”

Pressed by a caller from Texas what Republicans’ plan to fix the ACA was, Johnson replied, “Great question.”

“There’s a lot of improvement that’s needed. Obamacare did not do what was promised,” he continued. “We’ve got to fix that. Republicans are the party that have the ideas to do that.” He added the ACA is “very, very complicated“ and can’t be torn “out at the roots.”

Johnson said he spoke to Trump about the topic as recently as yesterday: “He wants to fix the health care system, and we have a lot of ideas to do that,” he said.

The speaker also addressed the yet-to-be-scheduled swearing-in of Rep.-elect Adelita Grijalva (D-Ariz.), who won a special election more than two weeks ago. She will be the 218th signature on a discharge petition to release Jeffrey Epstein documents, but Johnson said that has nothing to do with the decision.

Pressed by another caller why he has not sworn Grijalva in, he said that “right now, Chuck Schumer holds the cards” on when the government reopens and the House can return — and proceed with her swearing-in.

Rep. Ken Calvert, the House Republican in charge of defense funding, is throwing his weight behind a bipartisan bill that would allow members of the military to get paid during the government shutdown.

It’s something of an act of defiance against GOP leaders who are now intimating they won’t allow a vote on such a measure, arguing it’s Democrats who are holding troop pay hostage by blocking passage of a clean stopgap spending bill in the Senate that includes the servicemember salaries.

The California Republican quietly signed his name Wednesday onto the legislation, which was introduced by Rep. Jen Kiggans (R-Va.) in mid-September but has been steadily picking up steam since the shutdown began Oct. 1.

Other senior Republicans have become co-sponsors following the start of the shutdown, including National Republican Congressional Committee Chair Richard Hudson of North Carolina and House Administration Chair Bryan Steil of Wisconsin. The legislation as of Thursday morning has a total of 148 cosponsors, 104 of them Republican.

But Calvert’s support, in his capacity as chair of the House Appropriations Subcommittee on Defense, is significant: It’s a highly unusual step for a senior appropriator to seemingly buck leadership in this manner, and Calvert oversees the annual funding bill for military operations.

“Unlike every California Democrat in Congress, I voted to pay our troops, our TSA agents, and federal law enforcement,” Calvert posted on social media earlier in the day Wednesday, before making his support for the Kiggans bill public. “If you see these heroes, thank them for the job they’re doing during this shutdown and amidst uncertainty with their pay. I will continue to support them.”

Both Democrats and Republicans are blaming the other side for closing down the government – and, with no signs of the standoff ending anytime soon, the Oct. 15 date is fast approaching where military troops are due to miss their first paycheck since the shutdown began.

Congressional GOP leaders want their members to hold the line and force Democrats to vote to fully reopen the government rather than making piecemeal concessions that could lower the stakes for the minority party to play ball.

But pro-military Republicans — and vulnerable 2026 incumbents, like Cavlert — will increasingly face pressure from their constituents to act on the issue. And some of these members are, in turn, dialing up the pressure on their leadership. The dynamic is especially tricky for Speaker Mike Johnson. He insisted Wednesday that he will not bring the House back from its recess to vote on the troop pay bill ahead of the first military paycheck deadline.

Johnson also declined to answer a question over whether he would try to pass the legislation via unanimous consent — a maneuver that would not require lawmakers to return to Washington from the current recess but could be derailed with a single objection from any one member in the House who is present.

Republicans close to leadership say there are no plans to attempt this gambit.

“We’ve already had that vote. The job in the House is done,” Johnson said, referring to the House-passed, seven-week funding patch that the Senate has been unable to clear.

Senate Majority Leader John Thune said in a recent interview with Fox Business that “at some point” when Americans realize it’s Democrats who are blocking the troop pay, “this is going to hit home.”

“That’s exactly what’s going to happen here in a couple of weeks if something doesn’t change,” Thune added.

House Democratic leadership believes a standalone troop pay measure would pass with large Democratic support if it goes to the floor, according to two people with direct knowledge of the conversations.

As many as 70 House Democrats are preparing a letter to Johnson calling for such a vote, and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries is also backing the effort.

Separately, White House officials are considering a variety of options for President Donald Trump to shift funds around to pay troops without congressional action, if needed, as POLITICO first reported.

Trump, according to White House officials, will not allow the troop pay to lapse, even if Congress fails to act.

Chuck Schumer is winning over critics who bashed him for surrendering during this spring’s shutdown standoff. That could change fast.

A POLITICO survey of Democratic lawmakers and activists finds that Schumer has exceeded their low expectations in the latest funding standoff. But they’re watching his actions closely, wary that Senate Democrats will cave if pressure grows.

“A lot of people wondered whether we would be bullied again, and we have not been,” said Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.), who broke with Schumer when the minority leader moved to keep the government open in March. “Sen. Schumer understands the gravity of this moment.”

“He hasn’t surrendered yet,” said Indivisible co-founder Ezra Levin, who in March called on Schumer to step down. “I call that progress, and we’re cheering him on now.”

What’s worrying some progressives is that Schumer hasn’t drawn aggressive red lines like House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, who is demanding that Obamacare subsidies be extended via “ironclad” legislation, and that he may agree to reopen the government with only verbal assurances.

“A handshake agreement is capitulation,” Levin said. “Health care and rescission language is the demand, and it’s broadly popular. No reason to cave for less.”

One House Democrat granted anonymity to candidly discuss the shutdown dynamics said they would publicly call for Schumer to give up his leadership post if he folds now. An aide to another senior House Democrat said a significant number of lawmakers would be inclined to push for Schumer’s ouster in that scenario.

On the other side of the aisle, Speaker Mike Johnson will hold an 11:30 a.m. call Thursday with House Republicans as he faces growing pressure from his own ranks to bring the House back and negotiate an Obamacare extension. Some Republicans are calling for votes to ensure active-duty military members and other federal workers don’t miss their next paychecks.

What else we’re watching:   

Johnson’s day ahead: The speaker will take viewer calls on C-SPAN’s “Washington Journal” at 8:30 a.m. before hosting a 10 a.m. news conference with Majority Leader Steve Scalise, Whip Tom Emmer, Conference Chair Lisa McClain and Veterans’ Affairs Chair Mike Bost. He plans to hold a call with the full House Republican caucus at 11:30 a.m.

Senate to advance more Trump noms: Senate Judiciary Republicans are poised Thursday to advance five judicial nominees who, if confirmed, would further expand Trump’s conservative imprint on the federal judiciary. That includes Rebecca Taibleson, the president’s pick to serve as U.S. circuit judge for the Seventh Circuit.

Meanwhile Senate HELP will consider nominees including Crystal Carey to be general counsel of the National Labor Relations Board and former Rep. Anthony D’Esposito to be the Labor Department’s inspector general.

Approps action? Senate Republicans are discussing next steps on how to proceed with full-year funding bills during the shutdown stalemate. Senate Majority Leader John Thune floated the Senate taking up a standalone defense appropriations bill. Another idea, according to GOP senators, is to go to conference with the House on the Senate-passed appropriations bills with funding for defense, agriculture programs and Congress itself.

Nicholas Wu, Meredith Lee Hill and Jordain Carney contributed to this report.

Chuck Schumer ended the last shutdown standoff as a villain to Democrats outraged at his decision to surrender to Republicans. This time, the Senate minority leader has heeded the party base, sparking a showdown that has kept government agencies closed for eight days and counting.

So far, his former critics are impressed. But that doesn’t mean they trust him.

A POLITICO survey of lawmakers and activists found Schumer has exceeded their low expectations heading into the current shutdown, but they’re still watching his every move closely amid persistent doubts that Senate Democrats will hold the line against the GOP.

“He hasn’t surrendered yet,” said Indivisible co-founder Ezra Levin, who called on Schumer to step down in March. “I call that progress, and we’re cheering him on now.”

Rep. Glenn Ivey (D-Md.), who said in March “it may be time” for Schumer to step aside, is now pleased with the top Senate leader’s coordination with top House Democrat Hakeem Jeffries — at least “at this point.”

“I think it looks great right now,” Ivey said, adding that the collaboration between the two leaders was “moving things in the right direction for both the House and the Senate Democrats.”

The guardedly positive reviews for Schumer’s leadership come as the shutdown fight enters a politically perilous new phase. Real-world impacts of the funding lapse are likely to mount in the coming days, with most federal workers set to miss a paycheck Friday and active-duty troops next Wednesday.

Air travel has been sporadically affected due to shortages in air traffic controllers, and Smithsonian museums are set to close later this week, to name a few of the mounting consequences. All but three Senate Democrats voted Wednesday for the sixth timeagainst a House-passed bill that would reopen the government.

Senior Republicans have put Schumer at the center of their shutdown blame game, asserting that it’s his fear of the Democratic base — and specifically, a possible 2028 primary challenge from Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez — that is prolonging the impasse.

House Majority Leader Steve Scalise accused Schumer Wednesday of “throwing a tantrum”, while Speaker Mike Johnson said the New York Democrat was engaged in “desperate attempts to rehabilitate his own image” by bowing to “the Marxist flank of their party.”

“They’re coming for him,” Johnson said.

There’s some truth to those charges. One House Democrat, granted anonymity to candidly discuss the shutdown dynamics, said they would publicly call for Schumer to give up his leadership post if he folds now.

An aide to a senior House Democrat agreed that the dam could break should that happen, saying a significant number of lawmakers would be inclined to push for Schumer’s ouster.

Back in March, House Democrats united against the GOP spending bill. In the Senate, however, Democrats were divided on how to proceed on legislation that had no guardrails to prevent the White House from clawing back congressionally approved spending.

As the deadline approached to avoid a funding lapse, Schumer capitulated, saying he feared a shutdown could allow President Donald Trump to unleash more havoc on federal agencies and workers. He and nine other Democrats voted to advance the Republican bill.

That prompted a handful of House Democrats to publicly call for Schumer to step aside as leader, with some even mulling whether to back a primary challenger against him. Underscoring the House frustrations, Jeffries conspicuously sidestepped questions about Schumer’s leadership at a news conference.

Now Schumer and Jeffries are in much closer coordination, arguing in lockstep that Trump is dead set on unleashing havoc, shutdown or not. They’re also saying it is imperative for Republicans to address health care as a part of any government funding package — specifically by extending enhanced health insurance subsidies that will expire on Dec. 31 unless Congress acts.

Asked Wednesday whether he was acting out of fear of his party’s left flank, Schumer insisted to reporters that was not the case.

“The bottom line is very simple: We’re fighting for the American people,” he said. “Fifty-five percent of Trump voters, hardly a flank in our party, want [the subsidies extended]. That’s why we’re doing it. We believe that’s our job. The American people are crying out for help.”

Still, there are some divides between the two leaders. Jeffries has noticeably staked out tougher demands and a harsher tone in the shutdown fight than Schumer — arguing, for instance, that any deal on the health subsidy extension needs to be written into “ironclad” legislation. Democrats in both chambers are also demanding an end to “rescissions,” or Trump administration attempts to revoke funding for programs previously enacted by Congress.

Schumer, meanwhile, has resisted drawing red lines as many of his members signal they’d be willing to open up the government for something less than a final enacted health care deal. “I’m not going to negotiate in public,” he said Wednesday. “We have to do something. We have to extend these credits.”

That split between the two leaders has made some of Schumer’s critics distrustful, with many keeping a close eye on the thus-far-infomal bipartisan talks involving some of the Senate Democrats who voted to advance the GOP bill in March.

Wary progressives believe those senators — perhaps with Schumer’s blessing — will agree to reopen the government in exchange for no more than a verbal assurance to continue negotiating an extension to the subsidies that Republicans could renege on later.

“A handshake agreement is capitulation,” Levin said. “Health care and rescission language is the demand, and it’s broadly popular. No reason to cave for less.”

Rep. Troy Carter (D-La.) told reporters last week, “The American people cannot live on promises.”

For now, however, Democrats are reveling in moments of GOP disunity this week exposed by splits on handling the expiring insurance subsidies as well as the Trump administration’s escalating threats against federal employees, including mass firings or the withholding of back pay for furloughed workers. That has only hardened Democrats’ resolve to continue the shutdown.

Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.), who broke with Schumer on the March vote and called on Democrats at that time to “stand up and take some risks,” said this week that he has been pleased by the new tone set at the top.

“A lot of people wondered whether we would be bullied again, and we have not been,” he said. “So I think Sen. Schumer understands the gravity of this moment.”

“The Senate is doing exactly what we need them to do,” added purple-district Rep. Derek Tran (D-Calif.).

But Rep. Jimmy Gomez, another California Democrat, said he was content to watch Schumer manage the politics of his own chamber, saying those threatening to oust him as leader were “just all posturing.”

“It’s easy for us to say that,” he said. “If their own delegation starts turning on them — New York — that’s a different story.”

Jordain Carney contributed to this report.

Senate Democrats are warming up to an upstart oyster farmer in the crucial Maine Senate race. Now they’ll have to decide if they are willing to snub their party’s dream recruit to support him.

So far, Graham Platner only has one public endorsement from a sitting senator, Vermont independent Bernie Sanders. But more than a half-dozen Democratic senators sang his praises in interviews this week, even as Minority Leader Chuck Schumer grows closer to landing his top recruiting target to run against Sen. Susan Collins — not Platner, but Gov. Janet Mills.

Sen. Martin Heinrich (D-N.M.), who praised Platner in a recent X post, said in an interview that he has written Platner’s campaign a check. He’s also showing Platner’s viral social media videos to colleagues.

“I really appreciate people who are good communicators,” Heinrich said. “Graham is somebody who can go anywhere in Maine and genuinely connect with people. We need more candidates like that.”

Other Senate Democrats, including Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island, have privately spoken to Platner.

“He’s off to a really strong start and has a wonderfully appealing local background and story,” said Whitehouse.

The question many of them are avoiding for the time being is whether Platner, a 41-year-old Marine Corps and Army veteran who has built undeniable grassroots buzz, is the better choice to take on Collins than Mills, the 77-year-old two-term governor who was in elected office when Platner was born.

Mills has said she is “seriously considering” a run and has interviewed potential campaign managers. She expects to make a formal announcement by next month, with Democrats widely expecting her to jump in.

Whitehouse, for instance, called Platner a “qualified candidate” but demurred when asked if Platner was more formidable than Mills, saying he would not “step into that conversation.”

The Maine race is at the heart of Democrats’ uphill path back to the Senate majority, needing to flip a net of four seats in next year’s midterms. Democrats have perennially tried to oust Collins, the only blue-state Senate Republican left, and fallen short, including in a contentious 2020 race where they were confident they had her beat.

But the 2026 contest is also set to be another high-profile test of where the power lies within Democrats’ competing factions, with the popular, establishment-aligned Mills facing off with Platner, who has earned fans on the left with his populist message, and a host of other contenders.

Early indications are that Platner is a legitimate contender. He has drawn large crowds and an enthusiastic online response that has helped fuel his campaign, which announced Wednesday that it has raised $4 million since its launch, with nearly $1 million raised in the past week.

Sanders, who has split with Schumer in a number of primaries, said he believed Platner “stands an excellent chance to beat Senator Collins.”

“There is a growing understanding that we need candidates from the working class who understand what working families are going through, who are prepared to stand up to the billionaire class and fight for an agenda that works for all, not just the people on top,” he said.

Mills has plenty of fans inside the Senate Democratic Caucus, who view her entrance into the Senate race as a game-changing recruiting coup on the same level as netting Sherrod Brown’s entry in Ohio or Roy Cooper in North Carolina. National Democrats believe Mills is the strongest candidate, given her history of winning statewide. But unlike Brown or Cooper, Mills’ expected candidacy isn’t clearing the primary field at this point.

Sen. Dick Durbin, the No. 2 Senate Democrat, hasn’t endorsed in the race but said in a brief interview Wednesday that he believes Mills will be a strong candidate. And Schumer has made no secret that he wants Mills to run against Collins.

He and other top party leaders believe Mills’ name recognition and popularity in Maine would give her a better chance against Collins, who has proven difficult to beat despite being a prime target for Democrats for years. Mills won her last race by roughly 13 percentage points.

Neither Schumer nor Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-N.Y.), the Senate Democratic campaign chair, has reached out to Platner, according to a person granted anonymity to describe private conversations. Platner, for his part, has said he won’t support Schumer for party leader if he wins the election.

Maine hasn’t elected a Democrat to the Senate since 1988, the last time former Majority Leader George Mitchell ran. The state’s other sitting senator, Angus King, is an independent who, like Sanders, caucuses with Democrats.

King said Wednesday that his general practice is not to campaign against colleagues, and he expects to stick with that next year — including not endorsing in the primary.

Platner has caught the attention, though, of two key groups within the Senate Democratic Caucus — younger members and progressives. Still, several in those cadres say that while his message has put him on their radar, they’re stopping short of backing him over a potential Mills candidacy for the time being.

“I’ve seen a bunch of his stuff, and it’s killer,” said Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.), adding that Platner “seems pretty impressive.”

But asked if Platner was being overlooked by party leaders, Murphy said only that he looks forward to meeting the candidate and learning more about him.

Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) declined to discuss private discussions about the Maine race but offered support for candidates like Platner jumping into the fray.

“I’m excited to see new people enter the race for the Senate,” she said, “particularly those who have a strong voice they’re willing to use on behalf of people who are often ignored in the U.S. Senate.”

President Donald Trump’s administration is considering options to pay members of the military if the government shutdown drags on, according to two White House officials granted anonymity to discuss private deliberations.

Those options include Trump shifting available funds or pressing Republican leaders on Capitol Hill to put a standalone troop pay bill on the floor, according to one of the officials. The White House is not seeking a vote on troop pay at the moment and is reviewing internal options to address the pay issue, the other official said.

Active-duty military members are set to miss their paychecks Oct. 15 if Congress does not act.

“The president has been clear that he is going to pay the troops,” one of the officials said.

Asked Wednesday if he would encourage Congress to pass a standalone bill to pay troops amid the shutdown, he replied: “Probably.” He added, “Our military will always be taken care of.”

But Speaker Mike Johnson and Senate Majority Leader John Thune have so far refused to consider a separate bill, arguing Democrats need to stop blocking the stopgap funding measure passed by the House last month.

House action on a standalone bill would require Johnson to seek to pass the measure via unanimous consent or call the House back into session. Asked if he would do either late Wednesday, Johnson said it was up to Democrats to approve the clean stopgap measure.

“I’m so sick of them playing politics,” Johnson said.

Johnson will hold a call with House Republicans Thursday morning to discuss the current state of play around the shutdown. Republicans involved say it’s likely the troop pay issue will come up, with Rep. Jen Kiggans (R-Va.) publicly pushing Johnson Wednesday to put her legislation on the floor “immediately.”

House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries on Wednesday said he would support a standalone troop pay bill. The House Democratic leadership circle believes such a measure would pass with large Democratic support, according to two other people granted anonymity to describe the conversations.

The IRS said it was furloughing nearly half of its workforce and shuttering most operations Wednesday, but will continue work to implement President Donald Trump’s signature tax cuts.

Work on preparing for next year’s tax-filing season will also continue, but numerous operations will be halted, including taxpayer services like call site operations.

The agency will also suspend non-automated tax collections and “most headquarters and administrative functions not related to the safety of life and protection of property” during non-filing season, according to the agency’s latest contingency plan.

The plan will idle tens of thousands of employees. While 39,870 — 53.6% of the total workforce — will remain at work, 34,429 will be furloughed.

The union that represents IRS workers condemned the move.

“Today, due to the government shutdown the American people lost access to many vital services provided by the IRS,” said Doreen Greenwald, the national president of the National Treasury Employees Union. “Expect increased wait times, backlogs and delays implementing tax law changes as the shutdown continues. Taxpayers around the country will now have a much harder time getting the assistance they need, just as they get ready to file their extension returns due next week.”

When the government shut down last week, the agency exempted all of its employees from furlough for at least five business days, saying it would stay open by using special funding it was given by Congress in 2020.

But Wednesday morning, the agency announced that, “An IRS-wide furlough began on October 8, 2025, for everyone except already-identified excepted and exempt employees,” according to a statement on the IRS’s website. “Employee[s] who are not exempt or excepted are furloughed and placed in a non-pay and non-duty status until further notice.”

The IRS’s furlough decision letter — which came a day after a White House memo suggested furloughed federal employees might not receive backpay — includes a reminder that “employees must be compensated on the earliest date possible after the lapse ends, regardless of scheduled pay dates,” per a law President Donald Trump passed in 2019.

The Treasury Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The agency originally dodged the furloughs in part because it bore responsibility for implementing the administration’s marquee tax cuts, including no tax on tips, overtime and Social Security, which Republicans are counting on for a boost in next year’s midterm elections.

“We suspect people will be getting notified all day,” said Daniel Scharpenburg, a union leader at the IRS.

The Senate rejected dueling government funding bills for the sixth time Wednesday amid growing frustration over the shutdown stalemate.

The back-to-back votes come as there’s no sign of a quick offramp, with congressional leaders only becoming further entrenched the longer the funding lapse drags on.

Pouring new fuel into the standoff — and catching top Republicans off guard — was a recent suggestion from White House officials that furloughed federal workers might not get back pay. Yet more than a week since lawmakers blew past the deadline to fund government operations, party leaders continue to talk past each other in press conferences, television interviews and social media posts.

“We are in Day Eight of the government shutdown, which is unfortunate and unnecessary and totally at the behest of left-wing Democrats’ special interest groups who have pressured the Democrat leadership into a position that makes absolutely no sense to any thinking person,” Majority Leader John Thune said ahead of the vote.

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer reiterated that Democrats are ready to discuss both government funding and health care.

“This is not an either-or-thing, which Republicans are making it,” Schumer said.

Democrats believe the first step to breaking the impasse involves Republicans at least talking to colleagues across the aisle. Top Republicans, however, are solidified in their stance that there is nothing to negotiate on soon-to-expire Affordable Care Act subsidies before reopening the government.

“The only way they’ve communicated is through these AI meme videos, which is a ridiculous way to run a country,” Rep. Sara Jacobs (D-Calif.) said in a brief interview. “You get to an outcome by actually talking to each other, not by press conferences, not by silly meme videos.”

The House has been out of session since last month, with Speaker Mike Johnson vowing he won’t bring the chamber back until the Senate passes the GOP-led stopgap bill, which funds the government through Nov. 21.

“When the House agrees on something that’s not offensive … you ought to take it with a bow, thank them for it and pass the damn thing,” Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.), who served in the House for six years, said in a brief interview. “If we send something more complicated back to the House, I just think we run the risk of it collapsing.”

Thune plans to make the chamber vote as soon as Thursday for the seventh time on both the Republican stopgap and the Democratic alternative, which would run through Oct. 31 and force Republicans’ hands with health care concessions and guardrails around spending. The same, failed outcome for each bill is all but guaranteed.

“Youv’e got to ask our Democratic colleagues,” said Sen. Mike Rounds (R-S.D.) when asked if he expected a different result.

A bipartisan group of senators are having conversations about what could happen once the government reopens as far as the fate of the ACA credits and the appropriations process, but so far those talks have not garnered enough Democratic support.

Speaker Mike Johnson on Wednesday had a heated, face-to-face exchange with two Democratic senators over the government shutdown and the swearing-in of Arizona’s Democratic Rep-elect Adelita Grijalva, who will be the 218th signature on an effort to end-run Johnson and force a vote on releasing Jeffrey Epstein-related documents.

Arizona Sens. Ruben Gallego and Mark Kelly were talking to reporters outside Johnson’s office about what they said was the speaker’s failure to swear-in Grijalva. House GOP leadership has said they will swear in Grijalva when the House returns for votes.

But Gallego accused Johnson of wanting to “cover up for pedophiles on the Epstein list, and number two, put his members in a really rough position when it comes to voting and extending these ACA tax credits.”

Johnson came out of his office at one point to argue he hasn’t scheduled Grijalva’s swearing in because she was elected after the House was out of session, unlike some previous examples. The speaker also made clear he wouldn’t bring the House back, and therefore swear in Grijalva, until Senate Democrats vote to reopen the government and pass the clean, short-term stopgap through Nov. 21.

“So I am anxious to administer the oath to her, as soon as you guys vote to open up the government,” Johnson said to Kelly and Gallego at one point.

Kelly and Gallego argued to Johnson that he swore in two Florida Republicans during a previous pro forma session.

But Gallego shot back: “You don’t want to be on the Epstein discharge.” Johnson quickly responded: “That’s totally absurd. You guys are experts in red herrings…It has nothing to do with Epstein.”

Longtime Washington congressional Del. Eleanor Holmes Norton raised just $3,200 for her reelection campaign last quarter, according to a campaign finance report filed Wednesday, as she faces serious primary challengers and questions about her ability to serve in Congress.

Norton, 88, has repeatedly said she will seek reelection next year. But the capital city’s delegate in the House has faced questions about her age amid a broader Democratic reckoning with generational change and doubts from longtime allies as to whether she is fit to serve another term.

She also faces several primary challengers, including two D.C. Council members, Robert White and Brooke Pinto. White previously served as a staffer to Norton. Both campaigns launched recently and have not yet filed reports with the Federal Election Commission, although Pinto’s campaign said she raised more than $300,000 in her first day.

That stands in sharp contrast to Norton. The incumbent’s campaign reported just over $700 raised from individual donors in the third quarter, along with $2,500 from the American Trucking Association. The campaign spent just over $26,000 in the period, primarily on staff salary and fundraising consulting. It also reported $90,000 in debt, all owed to Norton, who previously loaned money to the campaign, and just shy of $6,500 cash on hand.

While Norton has never needed to be a prolific fundraiser, she raised $19,200 from donors over the same period in 2023.

A spokesperson for Norton’s office directed questions about her fundraising to the campaign. A campaign spokesperson did not immediately respond to questions Wednesday afternoon.