Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer will not allow Sen.-elect Dave McCormick (R-Pa.) to participate in Senate orientation this week because he doesn’t consider the race to be resolved yet.

Though the Associated Press projected Thursday that McCormick defeated Democrat incumbent Bob Casey in Pennsylvania’s Senate race, Casey has yet to concede, claiming that there are still thousands of ballots left to be counted.

“With over 100,000 ballots left to be counted in Pennsylvania, the race has not been decided. As is custom, we will invite the winner once the votes are counted,” a spokesperson for Schumer wrote in a statement. As of Sunday at 4:30 p.m., McCormick was ahead by approximately 39,000 votes.

“Schumer is not allowing @DaveMcCormickPAto participate in Senate orientation this week because Casey refuses to concede the race. What happened to all the demands that our leaders accept the outcome of the elections?” Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.) said in a social media post Sunday.

Rep. Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.) has also not been invited to orientation yet as his race against Republican Kari Lake has yet to be called. Gallego is ahead by approximately 48,000 votes. (The Associated Press has not called that race; the New York Times has not called either the Pennsylvania or Arizona race.)

On Wednesday, Republican senators will vote for the next majority leader, who will begin serving in January. The three front-runners are Florida Sen. Rick Scott, South Dakota Sen. John Thune and Texas Sen. John Cornyn.

When asked on Fox News’ “Sunday Morning Futures” who he would support for majority leader, McCormick told host Maria Bartiromo, “I’m still just now spending time with each of the candidates, and I will have an opportunity to vote this week.”

He added that he would not speak about the pros and cons of each candidate, but emphasized the need to be “in step with President Trump.”

In response to Schumer’s decision to prevent McCormick from participating, Republican politicians have been speaking out, including the majority leader-hopefuls.

“The idea that Schumer would not allow him to participate in Senate orientation is beyond unacceptable,” Thune wrote in a social media post Sunday. “The voters of Pennsylvania have spoken. Looking forward to having Dave’s strong voice in the Senate Republican Conference.”

Scott called the move “disgusting” and said, “They did the same thing to me after I beat a Democrat in 2018. We have to fight this!”

Cornyn called on Casey to concede and reposted a statement by Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah), which said: “I can’t think of another time when a senator-elect has been excluded from the Senate’s week-long orientation for new senators.”

McCormick argued that there’s no way Casey can gain enough votes at this point to defeat him.

“Mathematically, there’s no path for Senator Casey to win,” McCormick said on Fox. “Currently, I’m up by something like 40,000 votes, which is a very significant margin. And ultimately, Senator Casey’s going to have to decide when he’s willing to acknowledge that.”

President-elect Donald Trump on Sunday said Senate Republicans’ next leader must embrace so-called “recess appointments,” temporary appointments when the chamber is out of session that occur without the chamber’s formal seal of approval.

“Any Republican Senator seeking the coveted LEADERSHIP position in the United States Senate must agree to Recess Appointments (in the Senate!), without which we will not be able to get people confirmed in a timely manner,” Trump wrote in a post to the social media network X. “Sometimes the votes can take two years, or more. This is what they did four years ago, and we cannot let it happen again.”

Notably, Trump did not endorse any of the three GOP candidates for Wednesday’s upcoming leadership election — Sens. John Thune (S.D.), John Cornyn (Texas) and Rick Scott (Fla.) — though influential figures in the conservative movement have rallied around Scott in the aftermath of last week’s Republican electoral victories.

Scott, though, came out strongly in support of Trump’s idea. “100% agree. I will do whatever it takes to get your nominations through as quickly as possible,” he wrote in response to Trump X post, prompting the site’s owner, Elon Musk, to post “Rick Scott for Senate Majority Leader!”

In recent years, the Senate has routinely come into brief pro-forma sessions specifically to prevent the president from making recess appointments and sidestepping the chamber’s advice and consent. The Supreme Court unanimously ruled in 2014 that three recess appointments made by then-President Barack Obama were unconstitutional because the chamber was not truly in a recess, effectively undercutting the future use of the practice.

Recess appointments can last at the most for two years unless senators later come back and confirm the nominee.

Neither Trump nor President Joe Biden has been able to make recess appointments throughout their presidencies — even when their parties had unified control of Congress and the presidency — because of how the chambers arranged their schedules.

Trump himself has toyed with the idea previously, floating the idea of using extraordinary powers in 2020 to force the adjournment of both chambers of Congress to allow recess appointments. “The current practice of leaving town while conducting phony pro forma sessions is a dereliction of duty that the American people cannot afford during this crisis,” Trump said in April 2020 during the opening days of the Covid-19 pandemic.

In addition, the president-elect said the Senate should refuse to confirm any further judicial nominations put forth by President Joe Biden in the waning days of this Congress, saying “Democrats are looking to ram through their Judges as the Republicans fight over Leadership.”

However, Trump’s request is almost certain to fall on deaf ears. Democrats maintain control of the Senate through the end of the year and have made filling judicial vacancies a top priority for the lame duck session.

Trump’s invective is the latest wave to ripple through the quickly evolving race to replace Mitch McConnell as leader of the Senate Republicans.

Scott, who just won reelection last week and was previously seen as a long shot over Thune and Cornyn, has racked up public endorsements from four GOP colleagues: Sens. Ron Johnson (Wis.), Bill Hagerty (Tenn.), Rand Paul (Ky.) and Marco Rubio (Fla.).

“I will be voting for my Florida colleague @ScottforFlorida to be our next Senate GOP leader,” Rubio wrote Sunday in a post on X.

Endorsements have also rolled in for Scott from influential figures in the Trump-aligned MAGA movement such as Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Glenn Beck, Tucker Carlson and Charlie Kirk.

Scott sought the top GOP post two years ago, challenging McConnell, but garnered little support. Just 10 Republican senators voted for Scott, compared to 37 for McConnell, who’s led the conference since 2007.

He made his pitch on Fox News on Sunday, vowing to seek common ground with Democrats while also pushing through Trump’s nominees expeditiously.

“I’m a deal guy,” Scott said. “I know that to get things done you’ve got to look at yourself in the mirror and say what do we have to do differently. We can’t keep doing what we’re doing. We have to be the change. … It’s going to take somebody that is a deal-doer, knows how to sit down with people and find common ground.”

Cornyn hasn’t weighed in on the matter of recess appointments but vowed “no weekends, no breaks” until all members of Trump’s Cabinet nominees are confirmed in a post Saturday, a promise that would break with recent Senate tradition of truncated work weeks in Washington.

“If I am the majority leader, I will keep the Senate in session until those confirmations occur,” the Texas Republican wrote. “Democrats can cooperate in the best interest of the country, or continue the resistance, which will eventually be ground down. Take your pick.”

Thune said during an interview last week on CNBC that he hoped Trump would stay out of the race for Republican leader, a secret vote that will take place Wednesday once lawmakers return to Washington. “These Senate secret ballot elections are probably best left to senators, and he’s got to work with all of us when it’s all said and done,” he said.

Greta Reich contributed to this report. 

House Republicans are set to consider a variety of new internal rules proposals this week, including some proposals that tie back to the ouster of former Speaker Kevin McCarthy.

While there is a broader push to amend the one-member threshold needed to trigger a motion to vacate, there are also some GOP members aiming to make internal changes to their party’s leadership election moving forward. Republicans from the various corners of the conference have put forward their proposals for the 119th Congress, which will be considered this week when the party votes on its new rules package Thursday.

Rep. Brian Mast (R-Fla.) put forward a rules amendment that would require someone running for any leadership spot to have to resign from their present leadership post to seek another, the Florida conservative confirmed to POLITICO this weekend.

If this proposed rules change had been in effect last October during the speakership race, it would’ve meant that a series of members who ran to replace former Speaker Kevin McCarthy would’ve needed to step down from leadership before seeking the top spot. They include Majority Leader Steve Scalise (R-La.), Majority Whip Tom Emmer (R-Minn.), Republican Policy Chair Gary Palmer (R-Ala.), and even now Speaker Mike Johnson, who was then the GOP conference vice chair.

The proposal would offer more opportunities for Republicans to move up the ladder, but risk stunting those with strong leadership ambitions.

Mast described it as a lesson learned from the speakership election that ensued after McCarthy’s ouster — and one he wants to fix for the future. At the time of the speakership elections last year, he criticized the party’s leadership: “I can tell you in this moment. … I would not support any member of our current leadership … Leaders lead. And that’s not taking place,” he told CBS News at the time.

The full list of amendments that directly relate to the GOP conference, which were due Thursday evening, has yet to be reported. But centrists also filed an amendment setting internal repercussions for Republicans who oppose a procedural vote that allows the party to bring a GOP bill to the House floor for a vote, which comes after multiple instances of conservatives blocking bills from even getting proper consideration — and thus sinking leadership policy priorities under both McCarthy and Johnson.

There are also discussions about changing the discharge petition, as POLITICO first reported.

There are several broader rules discussions underway including some that impact how the floor is governed. That includes a push by some to make it harder to attempt to oust a speaker.

While the majority of Republicans despise the tool that allowed Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.) to lead a small cadre of Republicans in ousting McCarthy against the wishes of most in the GOP conference last October, there are some conservatives in the party who are expected to fiercely fight to keep the threshold. And thin vote margins could scramble plans to adjust it.

Jordain Carney contributed to this report.

Even as Republicans are increasingly optimistic that they’ll keep control of the House, some conservatives remain wary of Mike Johnson — and they’re discussing how to telegraph their concerns in next week’s secret leadership ballot.

With nearly two dozen races still outstanding, Johnson seems close to a major victory: Holding the tiny GOP majority, after a campaign season where he tied himself closely to Donald Trump and campaigned heavily for his at-risk members. Still, some House Republicans are mulling ways to signal their potential opposition to Johnson’s bid on the secret ballot, according to two Republicans familiar with the discussions, who were granted anonymity to talk about private plans.

Johnson is expected to easily clear the majority hurdle needed to become the speaker nominee in that meeting on Wednesday. But conservatives could field a candidate to run against him for the speaker nod, or may try to oppose him or vote present in the secret ballot.

That won’t be enough to derail his nomination, but it’s a warning for Johnson ahead of the real test in January, when he’ll need a majority vote on the House floor to take the gavel. If Republicans only take control of the House by a slim margin, as expected, that means Johnson will need near-unanimous support from his conference since he can’t count on any Democratic votes.

Enter skeptical conservatives, who want concessions from Johnson on the rules governing the chamber and a plan to secure conservative wins in exchange for their votes. Former Speaker Kevin McCarthy faced similar demands two years ago, when it took him 15 ballots to get elected speaker on the House floor — he ultimately had to make several changes to the rules that gave conservatives more power and severely weakened his hold on the conference.

“There are a number of members who are still very undecided and withholding judgment,” said one GOP member, who was granted anonymity to speak candidly. Their hesitations are tied to “past performance,” like how Johnson handled spending fights and Ukraine aid, but also questions about “whether or not we’re going to be able to deliver.”

If another candidate doesn’t challenge Johnson next week, that could allow leadership to call for a voice vote rather than a ballot — that’s how Paul Ryan earned the speaker nod in 2016 — handicapping any conservative attempt to formally vote against Johnson, at least until January. Hardliners largely in the ultra-conservative House Freedom Caucus backed a symbolic candidate, Rep. Andy Biggs (R-Ariz.), against McCarthy in 2022. But Biggs failed to get a majority in the conference vote.

The Arizona Republican declined to say if he would vote for Johnson next week or if he would mount another symbolic challenge. Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.), another Freedom Caucus member, said he wasn’t sure yet if he would support Johnson, adding that his focus is on the rules for the next Congress.

“[The] devil is in the details,” Norman said, while joking that the group was not privately “scheming” but instead “we’re discussing, we’re planning.”

Johnson has a few advantages over McCarthy that could help him avoid a drawn-out leadership fight. McCarthy was looking to lead Republicans when Democrats were going to control both the Senate and the White House. Johnson, however, is looking at a Donald Trump presidency and possible control of both chambers of Congress, and many GOP lawmakers are eager to dive into their agenda.

There is a fear that Trump could retaliate against those hamstringing the GOP agenda, and his influence in deep-red districts could be particularly costly if he goes nuclear in ways he previously has, including encouraging primary challengers.

Plus, if Trump bearhugs Johnson, as the GOP leader predicts he will, that would complicate any effort to derail his speakership bid. If Johnson refuses to play ball on conservative demands, they would have to choose between backing down with little to show for it or risking Trump’s wrath. And if the floor fight that begins on Jan. 3 lasts more than three days, it risks delaying the congressional certification of Trump’s election victory.

But Johnson still has stubborn pockets of opposition he’ll have to work on. Eleven Republicans helped advance an ouster effort against Johnson earlier this year, though several have since indicated they would not have actually voted to boot him from office. He has some detractors outside that group as well, who publicly grumbled that they didn’t have faith in Johnson’s leadership but believed a May ouster would have plunged the conference into ill-timed chaos.

Johnson’s most vocal detractors are Reps. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) and Thomas Massie (R-Ky.). While neither have publicly indicated since the election how they will vote next week, Greene has said she wants to delay the secret-ballot leadership contest. Other Johnson critics reside within the Freedom Caucus, and members of the group convened behind closed doors this week with incoming lawmakers to strategize about leadership votes, concessions they want on the rules and the start of the Trump administration.

Multiple conservatives say they are eager to protect the changes they extracted under McCarthy, including the internal rule that allows only one member to trigger a vote to oust a speaker, known as the motion to vacate. But they also have various demands about government spending — and the Dec. 20 government shutdown deadline could be a major test for Johnson ahead of the January floor vote.

But it is not just the conference’s conservatives who are trying to shape the next Congress.

A group of centrists have been crafting their own rule proposals for months. They filed potential amendments to the rules earlier this week, including one that would require a majority of House Republicans to support a motion to vacate in order to trigger a vote to oust a speaker, one member familiar with the effort told POLITICO. Another allows members to be removed from committees if they block the party’s legislative priorities by opposing so-called rule votes on the House floor.

Some Republicans have also called for Johnson to overhaul the House Rules Committee by removing conservative Reps. Chip Roy (R-Texas), Massie and Norman. The three were added to the typically leadership-aligned panel by McCarthy — part of his deal with hardliners two years ago. They’ve used their posts to cause occasional headaches for leadership, preventing bills from getting out of the committee until their demands are met.

Illustrating the tough spot Johnson is in, conservatives are ready to demand that the three members keep those spots.

“I’d like to stay on Rules,” Norman said. “I’m doing a good job.”