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The congressional probe into the Jeffrey Epstein case now appears to be caught in the crossfires of the government shutdown.

The House Oversight and Government Reform Committee’s monthslong investigation into the late convicted sex offender and disgraced financier has been largely put on pause as employees across the federal government are put on furloughs.

Two people granted anonymity to discuss internal dynamics say that committee investigators have not heard from DOJ around the subpoena since federal funding lapsed Oct. 1, grinding to a halt what had until that point been a modest stream of information flowing between the agency and Capitol Hill thanks to a congressional subpoena.

Oversight Democrats have reached out for more information from DOJ and received no response, according to one of the two people. And now, Rep. Robert Garcia of California, the panel’s top, is openly accusing the department of slow-walking.

“Despite multiple requests from Committee staff for an accounting of materials still within DOJ’s possession or plans to produce additional materials, DOJ has failed to provide any substantive or insightful information as to when the Committee may expect further productions of documents,” Garcia wrote in a letter Thursday to Attorney General Pam Bondi.

Garcia’s letter made no mention of what effect the shutdown could be having on DOJ operations. A Justice Department spokesperson did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The delays are, in any event, the latest chapter in the political quagmire the Epstein case has created on Capitol Hill.

Democrats have for months tried to leverage President Donald Trump’s relationship with Epstein to stoke divisions among the MAGA base and argue the administration is reneging on its promises of transparency in the matter.

Speaker Mike Johnson has also been working to quell an insurgent effort among lawmakers to force a floor vote that would compel the Justice Department to oversee a wholesale release of materials in the Epstein case. Democrats say a desire among GOP leadership to avoid such an outcome is the reason Johnson refuses to swear in Rep.-elect Adelita Grijalva, the Arizona Democrat who would be the 218th signer on the discharge petition to bring up the bill.

House GOP leaders have repeatedly brandished the Oversight probe as the appropriate vehicle to obtain information related to the Epstein case, and DOJ has been somewhat responsive since being slapped with the subpoena. But Democrats — along with rank-and-file Republicans — have complained that the department is transmitting information too slowly, and in piecemeal fashion, and that much of the material that has been sent to Hill investigators so far represents information that has previously been made public.

Garcia argued in his letter Thursday that the administration had refused “for nearly two months to provide substantive information regarding progress producing files relating to Jeffrey Epstein,” adding, “the only production of documents by DOJ consisted almost entirely of documents that were either already public or in the Committee’s possession.”

The Justice Department has not handed over any information to the Oversight Committee since Aug. 22. Republican leadership says lawmakers must give the agency time to responsibly release materials without jeopardizing the privacy of Epstein’s victims. But the Justice Department has not provided any insight into when the committee can expect more information, Garcia said.

Garcia also questioned Bondi on why her department had not responded to questions over why Epstein co-conspirator Ghislaine Maxwell was given what he called “preferential treatment” by the Bureau of Prisons. Maxwell was relocated from a federal prison in Florida to a minimum security prison camp in Texas shortly after she sat for an interview with deputy attorney general Todd Blanche, where she said she had no recollection of Trump’s involvement in inappropriate situations with Epstein.

Top House Republicans are holding firm against an effort by one of their home-state GOP senators to hold a standalone vote on reopening the National Flood Insurance Program amid the government shutdown.

The program is especially important in hurricane-prone states such as Louisiana, and the shutdown means it cannot underwrite new policies — complicating life for thousands of would-be homebuyers across the country.

Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.) wants Senate GOP leaders to hold a vote on a standalone bill that would reopen the NFIP. But Speaker Mike Johnson and Majority Leader Steve Scalise — both Louisianans — are not willing to put such a measure up for a House vote at this point, according to three people granted anonymity to describe private strategy.

Johnson has not weighed in on the standalone vote publicly as he’s blamed Democrats for holding the program hostage. Scalise, meanwhile, noted in a brief interview Thursday that House Republicans moved to renew the NFIP when they passed a stopgap spending bill last month.“If there’s another way to get the government open, I’m all for it,” Scalise said. “But right now, it seems like the Democrats are hell bent on keeping it shut down, which hurts other programs. I mean, it’s canceled closings on houses all across the country.”

Johnson’s leadership circle similarly argues that the House-passed stopgap already addressed the flood insurance program, putting the onus on Senate Democrats to reinstate it. While new policies cannot be written, the program can pay out claims to existing policyholders during the shutdown.

Jordain Carney contributed to this report.

Senate Majority Leader John Thune is trying to entice Democrats to support reopening the government with a vote on their biggest priority.

Thune, in an interview with MSNBC’s Ali Vitali, said he has told Democrats that “if you need a vote, we can guarantee you get a vote by a date certain.”

“At some point Democrats have to take yes for an answer,” he added.

Thune’s comments come as Senate Republicans move toward a carrot-and-stick approach to trying to break the funding stalemate.

While Thune continues to insist he won’t negotiate on the substance of a deal to extend soon-to-expire Affordable Care Act subsidies while the government is closed, he has left the door open to giving Democrats votes on their priorities or commitments on the fiscal 2026 appropriations process once it is reopened.

An offer to vote on the ACA subsidies hasn’t been enough, yet, to shake loose an additional five Democrats, who would be needed to pass the GOP-led stopgap to fund the government through Nov. 21.

A bipartisan group of rank-and-file senators have been discussing how to get out of the government shutdown, but they have not reached an agreement.

Part of those discussions have focused on an understanding for how the ACA discussions would work, including the potential for a standalone vote or setting a date for a deal on extending the subsidies to be reached. Some members of the group have floated a one-year extension of the subsidies, followed by a longer deal that would include reforms.

Democrats have to decide Thursday whether voting in favor of advancing a full-year appropriations bill will weaken their negotiating position in the government shutdown.

Republicans are daring Democrats to oppose bipartisan legislation to fund the Department of Defense for fiscal 2026. Majority Leader John Thune told reporters he’s also hoping to tack on appropriations measures to fund the Departments of Labor and Health and Human Services.

Democrats have been clamoring for progress on “regular order” spending bills, but now they’re on the fence amid the larger partisan shutdown standoff. That includes Minority Leader Chuck Schumer and Senate Appropriations Vice Chair Patty Murray (D-Wash.).

“We have to see what [Republicans] put on the floor,” Schumer told reporters. “They haven’t told us yet.”

Sen. Jeanne Shaheen (D-N.H.) is one Democrat who could end up breaking rank: while she stopped short of saying how she would vote Thursday, she told reporters Wednesday she supports moving forward with the appropriations process amid the shutdown.

But Minority Whip Dick Durbin said Wednesday it would be a “long shot” for Democrats to shore up the necessary votes to break the Senate filibuster and advance the defense bill. Sen. Mark Kelly (D-Ariz.) argued now is not the time for Democrats to give up leverage, as the party continues to push for an agreement to extend expiring Affordable Care Act subsidies to protect individuals from losing insurance amid steep insurance hikes.

“We are weeks away from people getting notified, if they haven’t been notified already, of skyrocketing health care costs,” Kelly said, referring to the Nov. 1 start date for widespread ACA open enrollment. “That should be the focus. Not a single defense appropriations bill.”

Many Democrats have a desire to reach a broader appropriations deal before playing ball on individual funding measures. They also want to know whether Republicans will consent to attaching the Labor-HHS appropriations bill to the Defense measure.

“What’s needed is a larger agreement about how the appropriations process is going to move forward so it’s clear that our priorities are respected,” Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.) told reporters.

The showdown Thursday comes as senators are separately deliberating whether to kickstart the formal process of resolving differences with the House on the Senate-passed, three-bill “minibus” to fund the Departments of Agriculture and Veterans Affairs, the FDA and the operations of Congress.

Democrats are reluctant to move forward on that package for the same reasons they are wary about advancing the defense bill, while Republicans are also not united: Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) has been withholding support due to an outstanding provision regarding hemp, according to a Senate aide granted anonymity to disclose private discussions.

But Sen. John Hoeven (R-N.D.), who chairs the Agriculture-FDA appropriations subcommittee, projected confidence that Republicans could eventually shore up their ranks.

What else we’re watching:   

A new shutdown demand? Many Democrats want to make their votes to reopen the government contingent on an administration promise to rehire federal workers fired during the shutdown. However, Schumer hasn’t weighed in, and it could complicate the path out of the shutdown as Democrats navigate an already-intense battle over extending health insurance subsidies.

Senate moves forward on judges: As the federal courts are poised to run out of money Friday, one key pillar of the Trump agenda is not on pause during the shutdown: expanding the president’s influence on the federal courts. Senate Judiciary is set to vote Thursday on two potential district court judges to fill vacancies in the Northern District of Mississippi, along with other U.S. attorney nominees.

Nicholas Wu, Mia McCarthy and Hailey Fuchs contributed to this report.

Rep. Andy Barr has maintained his early fundraising edge in the crowded Republican primary to succeed GOP Sen. Mitch McConnell in Kentucky.

Barr raised $1.8 million between the beginning of July and the end of September and ended the quarter with $6.7 million in the bank, according to his Wednesday filing with the Federal Election Commission.

Barr’s robust war chest — three times larger than his two competitors’ combined — underscores his sustained momentum in the high-profile race. He also had a cash-on-hand advantage at the end of the second quarter.

Businessman Nate Morris raised $4 million, but the bulk of that — roughly $3 million — came from a personal loan, according to his Wednesday filing. He ended the third quarter with just over $1 million cash on hand.

Former Kentucky Attorney General Daniel Cameron again posted modest fundraising numbers, raising $411,000 and ending the third quarter with just under $630,000 on hand, according to his filing. That follows relatively low second quarter fundraising, when he brought in just over $385,000, raising questions about the longevity of his campaign.

Kentucky’s Republican primary, shaping up to be among the most expensive and competitive 2026 Senate primaries, has emerged as a bellwether for the direction of the Republican Party.

All three leading GOP candidates interned for McConnell at some point in their career — but are now trying to distance themselves from the longtime Senate Republican leader. They are instead moving to embrace Trump, betting that an endorsement from the president would be a silver bullet in the state that he carried by 30 points in 2024.

Texas’ GOP Senate primary is widely expected to be a bruising and costly fight — and so far the money race is highly competitive between Sen. John Cornyn and state Attorney General Ken Paxton.

Cornyn’s political operation hauled in roughly $3.4 million in the third quarter across his campaign and two joint fundraising committees, according to Federal Election Commission filings. But only a portion of that will go to campaign funds that he controls; his campaign itself reported raising $910,000 between July and September.

Paxton, meanwhile, raked in just under $1.3 million directly to his campaign account, according to his filing. That means Paxton may have outraised Cornyn in actual campaign cash raised, though it’s unclear because some of the money Cornyn raised through his joint fundraising committees has not yet been sent to his campaign account.

The incumbent senator entered the next phase of the primary with nearly double Paxton’s cash on hand, $6 million to $3.1 million.

Rep. Wesley Hunt, the rising GOP star who entered the primary this month, raised $366,000 during the last quarter as a House candidate. That money can now be used for his Senate run, and he started October with $1.5 million in cash on hand.

Cornyn has steadily chipped away at Paxton’s early polling advantage, bolstered by a surge in support from national Republicans as he seeks a fifth term against the MAGA darling and, now, a rising GOP star in Hunt. A University of Houston/Texas Southern University survey conducted ahead of Hunt’s launch had Paxton and Cornyn effectively tied, with Hunt trailing. All three are positioning themselves as allies of President Donald Trump as they try to land his critical endorsement.

Whoever emerges from the primary will face a Democratic nominee eager to accomplish the longtime party dream of flipping Texas blue. The Democratic race includes former Rep. Colin Allred, state Rep. James Talarico and astronaut Terry Virts. Talarico raised nearly $6.3 million and had just under $5 million in cash on hand, according to his filing. Allred’s campaign announced it had raised $4.1 million. Virts collected under $272,000, including from a refund from a vendor, per his filing.

Jessica Piper contributed to this report.

Democratic Sen. Jon Ossoff continues to hold a massive fundraising advantage over the Republicans vying to unseat him in Georgia.

Ossoff raised more than $12 million from July through September, he disclosed Wednesday with the Federal Election Commission, a haul that is more than double what his three main Republican challengers raised during the same period — combined.

GOP Rep. Mike Collins raised $1.7 million through the end of September, according to his filing Wednesday with the FEC, while ex-football coach Derek Dooley reported raising $1.87 million.

Georgia Rep. Buddy Carter disclosed Wednesday that he raised $939,579 during the third quarter.

Carter has the largest war chest of the three Republican candidates jockeying for the nomination. He had $3.9 million left in the bank at the end of September, compared to Collins’ $2.3 million and Dooley’s $1.7 million.

The gulf between the eventual Republican Senate nominee and Ossoff will likely narrow after the primary in May as donors and prominent party members coalesce around one candidate.

For now, the money race is another proxy battle for President Donald Trump’s attention.

Trump has not yet endorsed in the GOP primary, but fault lines have emerged among some prominent Georgia Republicans. Republican Gov. Brian Kemp endorsed Dooley in the race, while Collins has won the endorsement of several state legislative leaders

The Georgia Senate race is likely to be among the expensive 2026 contests. Ossoff is the most vulnerable Democratic candidate running for reelection next year in a state that Trump won in 2024. He will need a robust war chest as he braces for what will likely be a strong Republican push to unseat him.

It’s time again for campaigns to reveal where they’re getting their money from.

House and Senate candidates are due to file quarterly fundraising reports to the Federal Election Commission by midnight Wednesday. The reports, which cover July through September, include total fundraising and spending numbers, as well as all donations from donors giving more than $200.

For candidates in battleground states and districts, fundraising numbers are a chance to showcase strength as they gear up for the midterms. And for candidates in competitive primaries, the deadline is a chance to one-up their opponents and show they are the candidate with the viability to make it to the general.

We already know some of the biggest fundraisers, since several candidates announced their totals ahead of Wednesday’s deadline. In the Michigan Senate race, Rep. Haley Stevens led the Democratic field with $1.9 million raised from July through September, with state Sen. Mallory McMorrow and former health official Abdul El-Sayed close behind, each raising around $1.7 million. (Former Rep. Mike Rogers, the only serious Republican in the race, reported $2.2 million raised.)

In the Democratic Texas Senate primary, state Rep. James Talarico’s campaign said he raised $6.2 million in just the first three weeks after launching in early September. That’s more than the $4.1 million that former Rep. Colin Allred, last year’s nominee, raised over the quarter. On the Republican side, Sen. John Cornyn’s campaign said he raised $3.36 million over the quarter between his campaign and joint fundraising committee; challenger Ken Paxton has yet to release numbers.

A handful of candidates who only recently jumped into high-profile races won’t have to file until the end of January, as Wednesday’s reports cover only through the end of September. In Maine, Gov. Janet Mills’ campaign said she had raised $1 million in the first day since her Senate launch Tuesday. Meanwhile, oysterman Graham Platner’s campaign said he raised $3.2 million since his August launch. Sen. Susan Collins, the Republican they’re seeking to challenge, reported $1.9 million raised over the quarter and $6.7 million cash on hand.

Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-La.) once again raised more money from donors than his challengers did last quarter.

Cassidy, who faces several primary challengers after his past criticism of President Donald Trump, raised $1.3 million between July and September and reported $9.5 million in the bank for his campaign committee.

That narrowly exceeded one challenger, state Sen. Blake Miguez, who brought in $1.2 million over the same period and reported $2.5 million in the bank.

State Treasurer John Fleming reported raising $2.2 million, but almost all of that came from a personal loan of more than $2.1 million. Fleming, who had also loaned his campaign money in previous quarters, paid back a $2 million loan to himself in July, so on net, he added only $125,000 in personal funds to his campaign over the quarter, while bringing in a bit shy of $100,000 from donors. Fleming’s campaign reported just over $2 million cash on hand.

Trump has not endorsed in the race, which could be a test of whether Republican voters can back candidates — in this case, a two-term incumbent senator — who sometimes break from the president. Cassidy most notably voted to remove Trump from office at his 2021 impeachment trial.

President Donald Trump’s decision to fire thousands of federal workers this month was meant to pressure Democrats into quickly ending the government shutdown. Instead, it could have the opposite effect.

As the shutdown enters its 15th day, many Democrats say they want a commitment that employees subjected to reductions-in-force, or RIFs, will be rehired before they agree to reopen the government — even as courts independently act to curb the firings.

“It’d be pretty unconscionable to open it up and still have to put up with those thousands and thousands of firings,” said Rep. Don Beyer (D-Va.), who represents a fed-heavy district bordering Washington.

Negotiating the fates of those workers could further complicate the path out of the shutdown, with Democrats already demanding the extension of key expiring health insurance subsidies and an end to Trump’s moves to cancel congressionally approved spending.

Beyer said he would leave it to the top Hill Democrats — House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer — to figure out whether a U-turn needs to be written into legislation. “But it definitely should be fully reversed,” he said.

Federal workers and their advocates won an early victory Wednesday when a California-based federal judge halted some of the layoffs on a temporary basis. The White House budget office has said in court papers some 4,000 employees have already been subject to RIFs, and budget director Russ Vought said in an interview with “The Charlie Kirk Show” Wednesday the layoffs could ultimately go “north of 10,000.”

It’s possible that the layoffs might be overturned without congressional intervention as lawsuits stack up. But some Trump administration mass firings undertaken before the shutdown were initially blocked by federal judges only to be ultimately found valid and allowed to remain in effect.

Jeffries has denounced the firings as an intimidation tactic and said they “will be reversed, either congressionally or by the courts.” Schumer has called on the White House to undo the latest firings but has not said whether forcing a backtrack should get tacked on to Democrats’ demand list.

“The administration should reverse every single firing from last week and should stop playing politics with people’s livelihoods and their lives,” he said in a Wednesday floor speech.

Schumer, in particular, has sought to maintain flexibility in navigating a path out of the shutdown. Unlike some Democrats — including Jeffries — he has not demanded an extension of the expiring health care subsidies as a prerequisite to reopen the government, only that the parties negotiate on a bipartisan product. Adding a reversal of the Trump firings to the list could make an off-ramp even harder to find than it already is.

Other Democrats, including some who represent parts of the Washington area, said they are confident the court challenges would ultimately prevail. Federal worker unions filed the initial lawsuits following threats from Vought that preceded the start of the actual government shutdown — arguing, among other things, that the act of firing workers is a nonessential function that cannot be performed during a lapse in federal funding.

Rep. Steny Hoyer (D-Md.) said negotiating the cancellation of the RIFs “certainly should be on the table” but added, “I think they’re going to be reversed” by the courts. Added Rep. Glenn Ivey (D-Md.), “To the extent those are illegal anyway, they really don’t need to be on the table. But I think we’ll have to see how that plays out.”

Trump said Tuesday more workforce cuts could come as soon as Friday if the government isn’t open by then.

“We’re closing up programs that are Democrat programs that we were opposed to,” he said. “And they’re never going to come back in many cases.”

Many Democrats have argued Trump would have pursued the sweeping cuts whether the government was open or not. The president has already slashed 200,000 federal jobs through the Department of Government Efficiency, according to a Partnership for Public Service estimate.

That has driven a larger desire to not only fight the Trump administration but to curtail its power to dismantle programs that have been authorized and funded by Congress.

“I think not just RIF removals, but the treatment of federal workers should be part of these negotiations,” Rep. Suhas Subramanyam (D-Va.) said. “They have nothing to do with the shutdown though, and they’re using this as an excuse to fire people that they were already going to fire.”

Asked about undoing the RIFs, Sen. Tim Kaine (D-Va.) said “we might reverse some of them as part of the appropriations process.” But he added that Democrats cannot agree to any spending deal so long as Trump can continue cutting federal workers against congressional will: “Getting to stop the unilateral action is definitely something that I’m looking for.

Kaine and other Senate Democrats have gotten some Republican backup. Appropriations Chair Susan Collins (R-Maine) spoke out against the administration’s first round of permanent layoffs last week. And Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) signed onto a letter with dozens of Democrats demanding that the administration guarantee it will give back pay to furloughed workers in keeping with a requirement Trump signed into law in 2019.

But conservative Republicans continue championing the mass layoffs, saying they are proof that the federal government is too big and can easily be pared back.

“The president is doing what he needs to do,” Rep. Andy Harris (R-Md.) said during a telephone town hall Tuesday. “He said that what we’re going to do is start laying off federal workers — not furloughing them, but laying them off — delivering on the government efficiency promises that he made when he ran for office.”

Calen Razor and Jordain Carney contributed to this report.