Republican fiscal hawks and White House officials are trying to kill off a series of Senate megabill amendments that would ease the phase-out of clean-energy tax credits — arguing the move would strip out hundreds of billions of dollars in budget savings and potentially risk GOP support for the overall bill.

Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) and other senators are forging ahead with plans to offer a series of amendments doing just that. One from Murkowski would offer a reprieve for projects that have started construction; critics of the credits want them eliminated quickly for projects that aren’t already completed.

It’s setting up a major intra-party fight as Senate GOP leaders race to pass the massive bill out of their chamber and send it to the House in the coming hours. Fiscal hawks on both sides of the Capitol are warning they will oppose the bill if the phase-outs of Inflation Reduction Act provisions are watered down.

One key issue: Republicans are counting on the crackdown to offset the massive tax cuts and other provisions in the megabill. If senators push their amendments forward without sufficient offsets, which they’re not expected to find, it could spark a major GOP revolt over the deficit impact of the bill.

Hawks are closely watching Senate Budget Chair Lindsey Graham and GOP leaders, who have the power to determine whether amendments without budgetary offsets require a simple majority vote or a 60-vote supermajority.

“Basically, if the amendment is set at 51 instead of 60, it’s Graham’s fault that reconciliation implodes,” said one Republican granted anonymity to candidly describe the talks.

Republicans batted down a Democratic challenge to the GOP’s use of “current policy baseline,” which zeroes out the cost of $3.8 trillion of tax cut extensions in the GOP megabill. The 53-47 vote approved the use of the maneuver along party lines.

Senate Democrats initiated four parliamentary inquiries on Monday morning in an attempt to show that the tactic is akin to a nuclear option that would blow-up longstanding budget rules.

“Republicans are doing something the Senate has never done before, deploying fake math, accounting gimmicks, to hide the true cost of the bill,” Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer said on the floor. “To vote yes on this, make no mistake about it my colleagues, will in a dramatic way further erode the Senate.”

Sen. Lindsay Graham (R-S.C.) countered that he has the authority as Budget Committee chair to determine the budget baseline used to implement and score provisions in the sprawling border, energy and tax legislation.

“I’ve never felt better. I’ve been wanting to do this for, like, a long time,” Graham said.

Democratic Rep. Dwight Evans said Monday he will not seek re-election “after some discussions this weekend and thoughtful reflection,” opening up a solid-blue seat in Philadelphia.

Evans faced mounting questions about his ability to serve after suffering a stroke last year and missing months of votes. He insisted until recently he still intended to run for re-election, though several primary challengers were already starting to make moves.

“Serving the people of Philadelphia has been the honor of my life,” Evans said in a statement. “And I remain in good health and fully capable of continuing to serve. After some discussions this weekend and thoughtful reflection, I have decided that the time is right to announce that I will not be seeking re-election in 2026.”

Evans, 71, has served in Congress since 2016. He succeeded Rep. Chaka Fattah, who resigned after being indicted on federal corruption charges, and is one of six Pennsylvanians on the tax-writing House Ways and Means Committee.

His retirement announcement comes amid generational upheaval in the Democratic Party. Longtime Rep. Jan Schakowsky (D-Ill.) said earlier this year she wouldn’t run again. The party base has looked to their leaders to mount a more vigorous response to President Donald Trump, with some in the party calling for primary challenges to senior leaders.

Evans’ retirement could kick off a fierce battle between establishment Democrats and progressives for the Philadelphia-area seat. Democratic socialists have made headway in the city, particularly at the state level, and pro-Israel groups are eyeing the race, according to local Democrats.

State Sen. Sharif Street, chair of the Pennsylvania Democratic Party, has expressed interest in running for Evans’ seat. One Democrat granted anonymity to speak freely said he could kick off his campaign as early as Tuesday. State Rep. Morgan Cephas is eyeing the seat as well, and progressive state Rep. Chris Rabb is also a potential contender.

“Me and my team are strongly considering a bid,” Cephas told POLITICO Monday, “but first and foremost I wanted to express my overwhelming gratitude to the work that Congressman Evans has done for the city of Philadelphia.”

Rabb said in a text that “I am seriously considering running for this seat.”

Rumors have swirled for months about Evans’ future, and some Democrats speculated that he might step down in the middle of his term, which would have given power to the city’s Democratic ward leaders to choose a nominee for a special election. But Evans said Wednesday that he “will serve out the full term that ends Jan. 3, 2027.”

The Senate has kicked off “vote-a-rama” — the marathon of amendment votes on the Republicans’ domestic policy megabill.

The first vote wasn’t on adoption of a specific amendment, but instead on whether Republicans can use a controversial accounting tactic to zero out the $3.8 trillion cost of extending President Donald Trump’s 2017 tax cuts in their massive domestic policy bill.

Republicans assert that Budget Chair Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) has the unilateral power to change the accounting method to the so-called current policy baseline. Yesterday, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer moved to force a simple-majority vote on undoing the change; it’s expected to fail along party lines.

“Every senator will soon have an opportunity to reject this nonsense and vote for common-sense budgeting,” Schumer said on the floor Monday morning. “Americans will be watching.”

The vote has high stakes for Republicans because without the accounting change, Finance Committee provisions would increase the deficit by much more than the $1.5 trillion cap set out in the budget blueprint Senate Republicans adopted earlier this year.

Ahead of the voting, Senate Majority Leader John Thune underscored the need to address the expiring tax cuts: “This is about extending that tax relief, so the same people that benefited from it back in 2017 and for the last eight years don’t end up having a colossal, massive tax increase hitting them in the face come Jan. 1.”

The Senate will then move on to rapid-fire amendment votes from both Democrats and Republicans on curbing a key Medicaid funding mechanism, doubling the stabilization fund for rural hospitals to $50 billion, changing the bill’s artificial intelligence provisions and softening deep cuts to wind and solar energy.

“We will see, once and for all, if Republicans really meant all those nice things they’ve been saying about strengthening Medicare, about protecting middle class families, or if they were just lying,” Schumer said.

The votes are expected to go all day Monday and potentially into Tuesday morning. Vote-a-ramas are rarely held during daylight hours — majority-party leaders like to use fatigue as a weapon to bring things to a close — but Senate GOP leaders chose to give lawmakers a reprieve after multiple late nights.

CORRECTION: An earlier version of this story misstated Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer’s title.

The Senate’s “big, beautiful” vote-a-rama starts in just two hours — and nobody knows how it’s going to end.

Senate Majority Leader John Thune can only lose one more vote with Sens. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) and Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) already opposed. As Senate GOP leaders scramble to strike deals to keep the bill on track, House Republicans are drawing red lines, with fiscal hawks threatening to tank the bill over the Senate’s budget framework and moderates balking at the provider-tax crackdown.

Here are the big fights we’re watching when amendment votes kick off at 9 a.m., leading to a final vote on passage late Monday or early Tuesday:

Medicaid: GOP Sen. Rick Scott’s proposal to curb a key Medicaid funding mechanism after 2030 has Thune’s support as part of a deal struck to get the Florida senator and a handful of other holdouts to advance the megabill to debate.

If it fails, it could cost leadership some fiscal hawks, though Sens. Scott and Ron Johnson (R-Wis.) refused to go there Sunday night. If it passes, it could alienate so-called Medicaid moderates. One of them, Sen. Susan Collins of Maine, filed an amendment that would double the stabilization fund for rural hospitals to $50 billion, and pay for it by adding a 39.6-percent bracket on earners making over $25 million.

Medicaid moderates could also try to further water down the bill’s cut to the provider tax. Keep an eye on Tillis, now unburdened by a reelection bid, who slammed the Medicaid cuts in a fiery floor speech Sunday and might jump in again. Another key player to watch is Sen. Lisa Murkowski and whether her support slips after the parliamentarian derailed Medicaid-payment provisions aimed at winning over the Alaskan. The parliamentarian also, as of early this morning, had yet to rule on food-aid waivers for Alaska that could affect Murkowski’s vote.

Green credits: Moderates including Tillis and Sen. John Curtis (R-Utah) could offer amendments to soften the bill’s deep cuts against wind and solar energy, including its crackdown on IRA credits and a new excise tax. That could provoke a fight with House conservatives and the White House, which have pushed for aggressive rollbacks.

AI: Commerce Chair Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) and Sen. Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.) are pitching a plan to cut the megabill’s 10-year moratorium on state enforcement of AI laws in half and make accommodations for internet protections.

The grand finale could be a manager’s amendment that House GOP leaders are pushing for to further resolve differences between the chambers and speed the bill to Trump by Friday. The House is scheduled to vote as soon as Wednesday at 9 a.m.

What else we’re watching:

— Farm bill fight: Dozens of agriculture groups are urging senators to oppose an amendment from Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) that would limit income thresholds of farmers who can receive federal aid. A host of farm-state GOP senators also oppose Grassley’s push, according to three people granted anonymity. Some are concerned that liberal senators could join with conservative fiscal hawks to pass the amendment.

— Solar and wind tax backlash: The U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the Solar Energy Industry Association are slamming a new addition to the megabill that would tax solar and wind projects that have components from foreign sources, including China. “Taxing energy production is never good policy, whether oil & gas or, in this case, renewables,” Chamber executive vice president and chief policy officer Neil Bradley wrote on X.

— Campaign announcements: Rep. Don Bacon is expected to announce his retirement Monday, according to two people familiar with his plans. The centrist Republican’s Nebraska seat is a prime pickup opportunity for Democrats; it’s one of only three GOP-held districts Kamala Harris won in 2024. Meanwhile GOP Rep. Dusty Johnson is expected to announce a bid for South Dakota governor on Monday, according to two people familiar with his planning. He’ll be the eighth House Republican to run for higher office in 2026.

Jordain Carney, Meredith Lee Hill, Mohar Chatterjee and Josh Siegel contributed to this report.

Hours after announcing his retirement, Republican Sen. Thom Tillis went to the Senate floor and slammed the GOP’s plans for drastic Medicaid cuts — warning Republicans they are about to “make a mistake on health care and betray a promise” if their sprawling domestic policy bill passes.

“It is inescapable this bill will betray the promise Donald Trump made,” Tillis said. “I’m telling the president that you have been misinformed. You supporting the Senate mark will hurt people who are eligible and qualified for Medicaid.”

Tillis, who opposed the bill on a procedural vote Saturday night and then announced Sunday he would not seek reelection, said he could not vote for the Senate’s bill because of provisions that he said would kick some 663,000 residents of his state off their health care plans. He called on the Senate GOP to jettison its “artificial” July 4 deadline and rewrite the bill.

“I respect President Trump, I support the majority of his agenda, but I don’t bow to anybody when the people of North Carolina are at risk, and this puts them at risk,” Tillis told reporters after he left the floor.

The two-term senator who has been known for working across the aisle said he had done his own research on how changes to so-called state directed payments and a new cap on medical providers taxes would affect his state — contacting state legislative leaders, the state’s Democratic governor, Josh Stein and hospital groups.

Tillis said he also talked to CMS Director Mehmet Oz and presented his findings that showed the best-case scenario was a $26 billion cut in federal support.

“After three different attempts for them to discredit our estimates, the day before yesterday they admitted that we were right,” Tillis said on the floor. “They can’t find a hole in my estimate.”

In his remarks to reporters, he said Trump is “getting a lot of advice from people who have never governed and all they’ve done is written white papers,” adding that he has “people from an ivory tower driving him into a box canyon.”

Tillis, who was elected to the Senate in 2014, compared Trump’s “big, beautiful bill” to the Affordable Care Act: “The effect of this bill is to break a promise. And you know, the last time I saw a promise broken around health care, with respect to my friends on the other side of the aisle is when somebody said, ‘If you like your health care, you can keep it.’”

The Senate is now working through up to 20 hours of debate, before a marathon voting series of amendments scheduled to start Monday morning. Tillis said he might return to the floor to speak against the bill.

Trump lambasted Tillis Saturday night after he voted against opening debate on the megabill, and Tillis said he’d already told Trump at that point he was likely to retire.

“Pretty much what I said on the floor is what I said to the president last night and I stand by it,” Tillis told reporters after the speech, adding later that he told the President he “probably needed to start looking for a replacement.”

“I told him I want to help him,” Tillis added. “I hope that we get a good candidate that I can help and we can have a successful 2026.”

Florida Sen. Rick Scott is circulating text of his amendment to the GOP megabill that would effectively end a key Medicaid financing mechanism after 2030.

The provision won the backing of Senate Majority Leader John Thune during an eleventh-hour negotiating session held Friday night as a procedural vote was held open to win over Scott and other holdouts. It is expected to come up during the “vote-a-rama” set to take place overnight Sunday into Monday where dozens of amendments will be debated and voted on.

Scott said Sunday he’s “very confident that my amendment is going to pass.” Other Republicans are skeptical, with several in the GOP ranks nervous about cutting too deeply into Medicaid.

Under the amendment, the federal government’s 90 percent cost share for Medicaid enrollees made newly eligible under the 2010 Affordable Care Act will end on Dec. 31, 2030. Beneficiaries who were enrolled prior to that date would be grandfathered in at the old rate, but new enrollees would see their medical costs reimbursed at the lower “FMAP” rate, which can be as low as 50 percent, with states picking up the rest.

The amendment is co-sponsored by GOP Sens. Ron Johnson of Wisconsin, Mike Lee of Utah and Cynthia Lummis of Wyoming, as well as Finance Chair Mike Crapo of Idaho.

Senate Republicans are on the cusp of formally adopting a controversial accounting tactic to zero out much of the cost of their massive domestic policy bill.

The matter came to a head on the Senate floor Sunday afternoon, when Democrats sought to prevent the use of the current policy baseline, as the tactic is known. Minority Leader Chuck Schumer objected to the maneuver and accused Republicans of setting a new precedent with the “budgetary gimmick.”

The Senate is set to vote on Schumer’s objection later Sunday or Monday, but Republicans believe their members will back up Senate Majority Leader John Thune and Senate Budget Chair Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.).

That’s in part because they were able to sidestep a situation where senators would be asked to overrule Parliamentarian Elizabeth MacDonough on the baseline question. Instead, Republicans are asserting that Graham has the ability to establish which baseline is used under the 1974 law governing the budget process, rather than having MacDonough issue a formal ruling.

“There is nothing to debate and we consider this matter settled,” Graham spokesperson Taylor Reidy said.

The revised baseline allows Republicans to essentially write off the $3.8 trillion cost of extending tax cuts passed in 2017 that are set to expire at the end of the year. The effect on the megabill’s bottom line is profound as a pair of new Congressional Budget Office reports show.

One, released late Saturday night using the current policy baseline, showed the legislation would reduce the deficit by $508 billion. The other, released Sunday morning using the traditional method accounting for expiring provisions, showed the megabill would increase the deficit by $3.25 trillion.

“Things have never, never worked this way where one party so egregiously ignores precedent, process and the parliamentarian, and does that all in order to wipe away trillions of dollars in costs,” Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.) said during a speech on the Senate floor Sunday.

The maneuver came as little surprise. The GOP plan has been quietly in the works for months, and Thune had suggested they would reprise the no-formal-ruling strategy they’d used earlier in the process of passing the megabill.

“As we did on the budget resolution, we believe the law is clear that the budget committee chairman can determine the baseline we use,” Thune told reporters. Graham on Sunday embraced the CBO ruling showing the deficit savings — and his own authority to make the accounting change: “I’ve decided to use current policy when it comes to cutting taxes,” he said. “If you use current policy, they never expire.”

The baseline change is crucial for Senate Republicans because under the budget blueprint they adopted earlier this year, the Finance Committee provisions in the bill can only increase the deficit by a maximum of $1.5 trillion. The bill now under consideration wouldn’t comply under the old accounting method.

Oregon Sen. Ron Wyden, the top Finance Democrat, called it “budget math as fake as Donald Trump’s tan,” and said the GOP amounted to a “nuclear” choice that would weaken the chamber’s 60-vote filibuster.

“We’re now operating in a world where the filibuster applies to Democrats but not to Republicans, and that’s simply unsustainable given the triage that’ll be required whenever the Trump era finally ends,” he said.

Senate clerks have completed a nearly 16-hour reading of the GOP’s 940-page megabill. Clerks began reading the text aloud at 11:08 p.m. Saturday and finished Sunday at 3:03 p.m.

By refusing to waive chamber rules allowing for reading, Senate Democrats hoped to create an opportunity to highlight some of the most unpopular issues in the legislation. Now, under Senate rules, there will be 20 hours of the debate evenly divided between Democrats and Republicans.

Democrats are expected to use their full 10 hours, while Republicans are expected to take only a couple hours. That would mean the vote-a-rama — a marathon series of amendment votes — will begin sometime early Monday morning, though senators could agree by unanimous consent to delay it.

The GOP megabill is by no means finalized. Party leaders continue to negotiate to tweak the bill in ways that will win 51 votes in the Senate while also garnering enough votes to pass in the House later this week without further modifications. Republicans also continue to deal with the chamber’s parliamentarian, who continues to review whether parts of the bill comply with the budget rules the GOP is using to pass the bill along party lines.

White House officials will host Kentucky state Sen. Aaron Reed in the coming weeks for a discussion about challenging GOP Rep. Thomas Massie in next year’s Republican primary, according to two people granted anonymity to describe the private plans.

President Donald Trump and his political operation have been searching for a candidate to challenge Massie over his opposition to the president’s “big, beautiful bill” and his strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities. Trump political advisers Chris LaCivita and pollster Tony Fabrizio have launched a super PAC directed at defeating Massie that’s already running a TV ad attacking the seven-term incumbent.

Massie is embracing the challenge, fundraising off MAGA’s slights and telling reporters last week he raised $120,000 in a single day off of Trump’s threats to campaign “really hard” against him.

Massie — who previously endorsed Reed for state Senate, and whom Reed in return had called “one of America’s greatest Congressmen” — did not immediately return a request for comment. Reed, a former Navy SEAL, was first elected to the Kentucky state house last year.