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House Republicans huddle on Tuesday morning as they seek a path forward on their six-month government funding patch that’s already a non-starter in the Senate.

It’s already running into major roadblocks — at least six GOP lawmakers indicated to our Jordain Carney and Olivia Beavers they’d oppose the short-term continuing resolution, even though the patch includes a long-sought provision requiring proof of citizenship to register to vote (otherwise known as the SAVE Act).

With a vote envisioned for Wednesday, a razor-thin Republican majority and Democrats broadly opposed to the GOP-led push, it’s unclear if Speaker Mike Johnson can muster the Republican votes to get the initial stopgap off the floor. The family discussion may offer some indication of a path forward, but some are already grousing about leadership’s approach.

“Our own leadership has pre-negotiated its surrender on the SAVE Act and they already know they’ll cave on it and accept a ‘Clean CR’ from [Senate Majority Leader Chuck] Schumer,” wrote Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.). “Hard to get inspired to run into a fight when the surrender has already been choreographed.”

The other X factor? Despite being out of Washington for more than a month, dozens of House lawmakers missed their return votes on Monday night. The exact number of available votes will determine how many Johnson and leadership can ultimately lose on the floor to get their first spending proposal through.

Two other things of note: A bipartisan group of congressional leaders will award Congressional Gold Medals honoring the 13 U.S. servicemembers killed in the Kabul airport terrorist attack in 2021 at 11 a.m. in the Capitol Rotunda.

And former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo (D) appears before the House Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Pandemic at 2 p.m. to testify on his state’s response to the Covid pandemic.

Further business: The Senate will hold votes throughout the day on more of President Joe Biden’s judicial nominees. The House will consider legislation restricting Homeland Security funds for higher education institutions that receive financial support from Confucius Institutes.

Congressional Democrats are teaming up across chambers and continuing to press oil company executives for information and details on a request from former President Donald Trump for $1 billion to aid his reelection bid.

“We offer you another chance to cooperate with this bicameral, multi-Committee investigation,” the letters, obtained by POLITICO, say to the oil executives.

The letters went to Occidental, ExxonMobil, Venture Global LNG, Cheniere, Continental, Chevron, Chesapeake Energy, EQT Corp., and the American Petroleum Institute.

Democrats leading the investigations are Senate Budget Chair Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.), Finance Chair Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) and House Oversight ranking member Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-Md.).

Trump asked executives in the oil industry earlier this year for $1 billion to aid his reelection campaign, POLITICO previously reported, vowing to take actions undoing core components of President Joe Biden’s green agenda.

NEW YORK — Former Gov. Andrew Cuomo, who rose to national prominence and popularity during the height of Covid, is about to face the most high-profile scrutiny yet for his handling of the pandemic — and he plans to mount an aggressive defense.

Cuomo will be publicly questioned Tuesday by the House Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Pandemic, a panel reviewing governmental responses to the public health crisis.

Republicans who control the hearing have signaled that they will grill him over his administration’s nursing home policies and why federally provided resources like the USNS Comfort hospital ship — sent to New York City to relieve health care providers — was barely used.

GOP lawmakers insist that the hearing is rooted in nonpartisan efforts to avoid mistakes during future crises and that Cuomo needs to answer questions. Cuomo’s team has telegraphed their disdain for the inquiry and accused Republicans of doing former President Donald Trump’s bidding.

The ex-governor rose to national stardom in the initial months of the pandemic, but later resigned amid sexual harassment allegations, which he has denied. After becoming ubiquitous — and gaining popularity — for his televised Covid briefings, his fall from grace was nothing short of epic.

The hearing is being held at a delicate time for him: Cuomo has been weighing a potential comeback via a run for New York City mayor or even his old job in Albany as the state’s chief executive.

Framing Tuesday’s questioning as a partisan exercise against him comes with a clear advantage.

And while it might help that more than four years since the onset of the pandemic Covid is not as politically potent an issue for voters, the Tuesday appearance may not reflect that general reality for Cuomo.

“For most New Yorkers, life is as close to back to normal as possible,” Siena College pollster Steve Greenberg said. “But Republicans asking Cuomo about what happened in the early days of the pandemic and how that hearing goes could absolutely trigger significant memories for a lot of New Yorkers.”

Cuomo, who was governor of New York for 10 years until his 2021 resignation, is well-versed in how to spar with members of Congress. He appeared before lawmakers multiple times while working in the Clinton administration as the Housing secretary. Cuomo spoke to the subcommittee in a private session earlier this year.

In such settings, Cuomo can be equal parts combative and lawyerly.

The impact of the hearing, too, may be muted. It’s being held the same day as Trump and Vice President Kamala Harris hold their first televised debate.

Exactly what he’ll face is not entirely clear, but it almost certainly will not be easy.

Republicans on the subcommittee set to question Cuomo say it’s valuable to gain insight on the decisions that were made — especially when it came to the state requirement issued in March 2020 that nursing homes and adult living facilities not turn away Covid-positive patients.

“Thousands of New Yorkers died,” Republican Rep. Nicole Malliotakis, the sole New Yorker on the subcommittee, said in an interview. “They were Republicans, independents, Democrats. It really has nothing to do with politics, and it’s about getting answers and accountability for these families.”

Cuomo has tried to “dodge and stonewall” the subcommittee, she said.

“He shows no remorse,” Malliotakis said. “No accountability and no remorse.”

Republicans intend to ask Cuomo about his administration’s requirement that long-term care facilities and nursing homes not turn away Covid-positive patients — a directive issued amid concerns New York’s hospital system would be overrun with sick people.

Aside from that, the federal indictment this month of Linda Sun, a former state employee accused of acting as an unregistered agent of the Chinese government, could also come into play.

Sun, who worked for both Cuomo and his successor, Gov. Kathy Hochul, helped secure personal protective equipment and ventilators from Chinese representatives and business leaders, according to her indictment. The state was later billed $700,000 for the equipment.

But while some GOP lawmakers want to keep the focus on Cuomo, the former governor will likely try to tie them to Trump.

Cuomo has long taken the view that criticism of his handling of the pandemic and the nursing home order — which was rescinded more than a month after it was issued — are rooted in Trumpian attacks.

In his Covid-era memoir, “American Crisis: Leadership Lessons from the COVID-19 Pandemic,” Cuomo wrote that nursing home accusations were, in part, stirred by “Rupert Murdoch’s New York Post” in an attempt by Republicans to cast blame on Democratic governors for the death toll.

Cuomo has long asserted the state was relying on guidance from the federal government and that the nursing home order was legal. The state order itself did not cite federal guidelines.

Cuomo and his top aides in 2020 actively covered up nursing home deaths and undercounted how many people died in the facilities, according to a 48-page memo released by the GOP-led subcommittee on Monday.

The memo, first reported by the Times Union of Albany, details how Cuomo tried to manage the public relations fallout over the nursing home order by withholding and manipulating data in a public state report issued in July 2020.

Cuomo’s spokesperson called the House Republicans’ memo “all smoke and mirrors.”

Texas Rep. Ronny Jackson has blasted the former governor for a “nursing home massacre” and Cuomo spokesperson Rich Azzopardi believes the rhetoric from GOP lawmakers is a sign the hearing will be stacked against the former governor.

In an interview, Azzopardi unspooled a string of invective against subcommittee Republicans in response, accusing them of attempting to “run interference” for Trump and downplaying the actions Trump took as president during the pandemic.

“This MAGA committee of foot doctors, disgraced, demoted, naval captains-slash-Trump physicians and Q-Anon nuts are running interference for Trump and his Covid mismanagement,” he said. “Anyone with a brain in their head sees that.”

And yet Democrats on the select panel aren’t jumping to Cuomo’s defense.

They have made clear the hearing will spotlight Trump’s handling of the pandemic ahead of the November election, and that the panel should take an “objective look at the missteps that allowed COVID-19 to spread in our nation’s nursing homes — including the Trump Administration’s failure to ensure adequate supply of testing and PPE that paved the way for the virus to ravage our most vulnerable.”

Nicholas Wu contributed to this report. 

Rep. Bob Good‘s (R-Va.) resignation as Freedom Caucus chair will be official by the end of the week, five people familiar with the decision told POLITICO, with the group hoping to land on his successor by Friday.

Good outlined the plan during the group’s closed door meeting Monday night, the first in-person meeting since his primary loss was sealed with a recount last month.

Good told reporters earlier in the day that he had offered his resignation to the board, though he declined to discuss who would succeed him or the timing of when he would formally step down. But two of the people familiar with internal discussions told POLITICO that the ousted lawmaker and the group’s board had already agreed on the plan for his resignation as chair to be effective this week. Good is expected to stay in the group as a member, and in Congress, through the end of the year.

Good’s term as chair goes through the end of 2025, meaning he would have to step down early after his primary loss – it was just a matter of when. He previously told POLITICO that he intended to step down quickly as chair if he lost his primary recount. Good declined to comment as he left the group’s meeting on Monday night.

The group is weighing whether to fill the position temporarily with a chair emeritus through the end of the year. While former chairs are term-limited out, the Freedom Caucus has never had to confront a leader ousted in a primary race. But there is broad consensus within the group to keep their internal leadership elections separate from the November election, something a short-term punt would allow.

Potential candidates include former chairs Rep. Andy Biggs (R-Ariz.) or Scott Perry (R-Pa.), as POLITICO first reported – with Biggs viewed as the more likely of the two. 

Good lost to John McGuire, a state senator, in the Virginia primary earlier this year after he ran afoul of Donald Trump and former Speaker Kevin McCarthy.

Mike Johnson’s spending plan is already in trouble. It was doomed in the Senate from the start, but now there are fresh doubts that he can even get it through the House.

The speaker announced last week that he planned to link a government funding bill to legislation that would require proof of citizenship to register to vote. The package would keep spending levels mostly steady, punting a government shutdown deadline currently set to hit on Oct. 1 to March 28.

Johnson wants to hold a House vote Wednesday on that bill, hoping to give conservatives a symbolic pre-election win even if Senate Democrats tank it after. But the GOP leader is facing two pockets of intra-party resistance.

First, there are conservatives who oppose short-term spending bills on principle and are unconvinced by the citizenship add on. Plus, some defense-hawks are worried the six-month stopgap bill would have a negative impact on the Pentagon, after defense officials said as much over the weekend.

Johnson can afford to lose four Republicans, assuming full House attendance, before he’ll need Democratic help to clear the stopgap bill, known as a continuing resolution or a CR. So far, he’s got at least six GOP “no” votes.

Reps. Tim Burchett (Tenn.), Jim Banks (Ind.) Mike Rogers (Ala.) and Cory Mills (Fla.) told reporters on Monday that they currently oppose the plan — joining Reps. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) and Matt Rosendale (R-Mont.), who had already announced their opposition.

“I’ve never supported a CR,” Mills said, adding that there are “quite a few” Republicans who are opposed to Johnson’s plan.

More Republicans could join their ranks, according to interviews with more than a dozen GOP lawmakers. Several said on Monday that they are still on the fence. That includes Reps. Lauren Boebert (R-Colo.), Nancy Mace (R-S.C.), Keith Self (R-Texas), Victoria Spartz (R-Ind.), and Majorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.).

Other Republicans who are undecided, such as Reps. Wesley Hunt (R-Texas) and Eli Crane (R-Ariz.), indicated they don’t want to support a CR but that they like the non-citizen voting bill attached to it.

Johnson could get a tiny bit more wiggle room if Democrats have absences. But he’ll likely have some convincing to do if he hopes to pass the bill through the House, which many Republicans saw as an opening offer to the Senate. If it can’t even clear the lower chamber, Democrats will feel even more emboldened to push through their plan, a more straightforward CR that kicks a shutdown deadline into mid-December — setting up another year-end spending fight.

A broad swath of Republicans acknowledge that Congress will ultimately need to pass a clean short-term bill in order to avoid a shutdown starting on Oct. 1. Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer and other Democrats have vowed they won’t support the House GOP plan. President Joe Biden has also threatened to veto it, should it somehow reach his desk.

Some Republicans are opening the door to a clean spending extension, one without the non-citizen voting bill, that goes until March. But even some GOP lawmakers admit it’s unlikely that they will be able to get Democrats to agree to that.

Johnson met with his leadership team Monday, where he sidestepped questions about his ultimate endgame. He mainly said that his goal was to bring this vote to the floor, two people familiar with the meeting told POLITICO, granted anonymity to reveal private discussions.

“We did not discuss any contingency plans,” Rep. Lisa McClain (R-Mich.) told reporters as she left the leadership meeting.

And though a handful of Democrats previously supported the non-citizen voting bill, they are under fierce pressure to oppose it now that it’s attached to the CR. Democrats are also shooting down the idea of even a clean CR into March.

“My view is that we ought to go to mid-December. We should not carry this over until next year,” said Connecticut Rep. Rosa DeLauro, the top House Democratic appropriator.

Daniella Diaz contributed reporting.

Speaker Mike Johnson’s stopgap spending plan is slated to clear its first test Monday, but its fate on the House floor is still far from certain.

The chamber’s Rules Committee kicked off a meeting Monday afternoon to prepare to send the funding bill to the House floor, likely on Wednesday. The legislation would punt a government shutdown deadline, currently scheduled to hit on Oct. 1, into the end of March, and includes a conservative-favored bill that would require proof of citizenship to register to vote.

Johnson’s six-month funding punt, known as a continuing resolution or a CR, represents House Republicans’ opening offer in the sprint to avoid a government shutdown, one the Democratic-controlled Senate will surely reject. Right now, it’s unclear if it can even pass the House, since Democratic support will be scarce and the number of GOP holdouts is uncertain.

“I think you’re going to see a CR out of here this week,” Rep. Andy Biggs (R-Ariz.) said as he walked into the Rules Committee meeting. Biggs declined to say if he would vote for the bill, however, instead winking and saying he planned to offer amendments.

At least one conservative on the Rules Committee, Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.), said he will oppose the measure this week. During the Rules meeting, Massie lamented the “political theater” that he said will likely result in a massive year-end government funding deal that will do nothing to cut spending. Democrats have pushed for a more straightforward CR that extends the government shutdown deadline into mid-December, without policy bills attached.

“Why are we funding things we don’t like? We don’t have to,” he said. “It’s because we’re addicted to spending. And this doesn’t do anything about the addiction, at all.”

Massie also predicted that Republicans will ultimately “cave” and drop the proof-of-citizenship bill, known as the SAVE Act, which Democrats broadly oppose attaching to a stopgap.

A number of Republicans, including top appropriators, have warned that a lengthy stopgap into early next year won’t yield GOP leaders more leverage in government funding negotiations, even if the party controls both chambers and the White House. Conservatives have argued for kicking the deadline into March so a potential President Donald Trump could influence negotiations. But neither party is expected to hold a Senate supermajority next year, meaning any final spending deal will still need bipartisan backing to get through the upper chamber in 2025.

In a veto threat issued on Monday, the White House is also warning that a six-month funding patch will prove detrimental to the military, hurting GOP priorities like military readiness goals and efforts to deter China. Johnson’s stopgap would fund the government through March 28.

“It’s madness,” said Rep. Rosa DeLauro (D-Conn.), the top Democratic appropriator in the House. She also lamented a lack of money to address a looming veterans’ health funding cliff, among other issues.

Johnson’s end date of March 28 is also dangerously close to an April 30 deadline that would trigger across-the-board spending cuts if Congress fails to fund the government in full and on time, a consequence of last summer’s debt limit deal. And a March shutdown cliff could coincide with several other major issues on Congress’ agenda next year, including another debt ceiling deadline and the expiration of Trump-era tax cuts.

Instead, leading appropriators, including Republicans like House Appropriations Chair Tom Cole (R-Okla.), are pushing to wrap up fiscal 2024 funding by the end of the calendar year, clearing the decks for the next Congress in January.

NEW YORK — Justice Elena Kagan is keeping up her public drive for an enforcement mechanism for the Supreme Court’s ethics code despite strident criticism from some voices on the right and skepticism about it among some legal ethics scholars.

“It seems like a good idea in terms of ensuring that we comply with our own code of conduct going forward in the future. It seems like a good idea in terms of ensuring that people have confidence that we’re doing exactly that,” Kagan said during an appearance Monday at New York University School of Law. “So, it seems like a salutary thing for the court.”

Kagan effusively praised the ethics code the high court adopted last November under intense pressure from Democratic lawmakers that followed a series of press reports about undisclosed gifts to some of her colleagues and behind-the-scenes efforts to influence the justices.

“I think it’s a good ethics code,” Kagan said, adding that some departures from rules for lower-court judges were justified by the Supreme Court’s unique role atop the judicial branch.

However, Kagan also defended her call — first issued at a judicial conference in California in July — for an external enforcement mechanism that could be overseen by retired or highly experienced judges. She scoffed at the notion that such a panel would be too deferential to the justices.

“Judges … they’re not so afraid of us,” Kagan said. “I think that that’s in the picking, basically. And I think that there are plenty of judges around this country who could do a task like that in a very fair minded and serious way.”

The Obama appointee also said she did not think such a mechanism would produce a flurry of frivolous allegations against the justices. The panel charged with enforcement could sort out meritless allegations, she said.

Kagan did not say whether her colleagues have privately discussed an enforcement regime or where they stand on it, although Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson said in a recent interview that she was open to it.

Kagan also declined to address a report in ProPublica that the the head of a conservative group that regularly brings cases to the high court, Kelly Shackelford of the First Liberty Institute, described earlier comments by Kagan on the subject as “somewhat treasonous.”

Kagan joked that the description sounded akin to being “somewhat pregnant,” but wouldn’t address it directly. “I don’t want to dignify it any further,” she said.

Shackelford wrote to Kagan Monday apologizing for the comment, First Liberty spokesperson Hiram Sasser said. “Kelly sent a letter saying he should not have assumed she was inviting other branches to control the court and he should not have used that word,” Sasser said.

Even as Kagan leaned into her call for an enforcement mechanism, she retreated from a suggestion she made last year that Congress’ power to dictate ethics rules for the court was well established.

“Can Congress do various things to regulate the Supreme Court? I think the answer is: yes,” she told a judicial conference in Oregon last summer. Her comment was a riposte to Justice Samuel Alito, who has said the Constitution didn’t give Congress power to dictate the court’s ethics processes.

On Monday, Kagan said she was steering clear of commenting on Congress’ power. “I don’t want to say anything about that because, you know, one day, who knows, I might have to decide a case involving that,” she said.

Kagan didn’t explain or acknowledge the shift, but in July President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris — who is the Democratic presidential nominee — endorsed the notion of a law imposing an externally-enforced ethics code for the high court, as well as term limits for justices.

During an hourlong on-stage interview at a luncheon for a women’s legal leadership center, NYU Professor Melissa Murray asked Kagan about future consequences of the Supreme Court’s 2022 decision overturning the federal constitutional right to abortion. Justice Clarence Thomas suggested at the time that precedents guaranteeing rights to contraception and same-sex marriage might also someday be overturned under the same legal rationale.

“This analysis that you’ve just applied to abortion … it applies to a lot of other things,” said Kagan, who dissented from the court’s far-reaching abortion ruling two years ago. “Just as a matter of logic, that point is true,” the justice added, although she stopped short of saying whether she thought the high court would move toward repealing those other rights anytime soon, or ever.

Kagan also shared some details about the justices’ private pastimes, including that one topic of behind-the-scenes chatter at the court is golf. “Justice Kavanaugh is a good golfer and the chief justice is a good golfer,” Kagan said, adding that Chief Justice John Roberts’ wife, Jane Roberts, is “very good, too.”

Kagan said the shared interest in golf contributes to the court’s camaraderie, but should only matter to the public if it leads the justices to more give-and-take with their colleagues about the court’s official business. On that score, she was more opaque, saying: “The proof is in the pudding, right?”

Former President Donald Trump’s proposal to have government or insurance companies cover IVF was an unprecedented shift last week — and Republicans are split on whether to support it.

Two prominent Republican senators — both strong supporters of Trump — took different approaches to the issue of in vitro fertilization on Sunday morning, highlighting the split in the party over whether to support the measure.

Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.) supported the new IVF proposal, adding that he believed most Republicans would be open to the idea. The Arkansas senator said that the fiscal impact and “whether the taxpayer can afford to pay for this.”

“Well, all Republicans, to my knowledge, support IVF, in the Congress. And there’s no state that prohibits or regulates IVF in a way that makes it inaccessible,” Cotton said in an interview with Kristen Welker on NBC’s “Meet the Press.” “It is expensive for many couples. I understand that. So, it’s something I’m open to, that most Republicans would be open to.”

He added, “In principle, supporting couples who are trying to use IVF or other fertility treatments, I don’t think is something that’s controversial at all.”

But Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) disagreed: The South Carolina senator said he would not support mandating insurance coverage of IVF “because there’s no end to that.” Instead he said he would prefer a tax credit in an interview with Jonathan Karl on ABC’s “This Week.”

“We have tax credits for people who have children. Maybe we should have a means-tested tax credit for people using IVF and other treatments to become pregnant,” Graham said. “I would support a tax credit, means-tested, kind of like we do with children, that makes sense to me, to encourage people to have children.”

IVF became a major campaign issue in February when the Alabama Supreme Court declared frozen embryos to be children under state law, which led to the possibility that medical professionals could be criminally prosecuted for embryos that are lost in the process.

Both Republicans were among 47 Republicans who voted against a bill in June designed to expand access to IVF and other fertility treatments. Two Republicans, Sens. Susan Collins of Maine and Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, supported the measure, which Cotton on Sunday referred to as “Chuck Schumer’s ridiculous messaging bill.”

As for Trump’s unprecedented call for public funding for IVF, Graham said Trump is “just trying to show his support for IVF treatments.”

“We’ve been accused — the party has — of being a bit against birth control. We’re not,” Graham said. “We’ve been accused of being against IVF treatments. We’re not.”

American leaders expressed their frustration and anger Sunday morning after Hamas murdered six Israeli hostages, including Israeli-American Hersh Goldberg-Polin.

“I am just absolutely heartbroken for Hersh’s family, for the families of these other hostages that were butchered by these Hamas terrorists,” Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Calif) said on CNN’s “State of the Union,” noting Goldberg-Polin was from California. “I hope and pray, I think as we all do, that there’s a negotiated end to this war, and soon, and that not another innocent person loses their life.”

On Sunday, Israel reported the body of Goldberg-Polin, 23, was recovered alongside five other hostages: Ori Danino, Eden Yerushalmi, Almog Sarusi, Alexander Lobanov, and Carmel Gat. IDF spokesperson Lt. Col. Nadav Shoshani said in an interview with CNN’s Dana Bash on Sunday morning that the hostages were killed shortly before their bodies were found in an underground tunnel in Rafah.

“This is a very sad morning in Israel, very sad news coming out of the Gaza Strip announcing today after we were able to talk to the families and inform them about finding the bodies of their loved ones,” Shoshani said Sunday morning. “We examined them and we found that they were murdered by Hamas recently. We were able to inform the families about it and share the news today, the very, very sad news about them.”

The reports about the death of the hostages served as a stark reminder of the human cost of the ongoing war in Gaza that began with Hamas’ attacks last Oct. 7 on Israeli territory. The news was also another setback in the quest for peace and made clear there’s no immediate end in sight to the conflict.

Goldberg-Polin, who was captured during a music festival in Israel, became one of the most well-known American faces of the hostages. His parents, Jon Polin and Rachel Goldberg-Polin, spoke at the Democratic National Convention, urging for a ceasefire deal and release of the hostages less than two weeks ago.

Vice President Kamala Harris offered her condolences and support to Hersh’s families in a statement early Sunday morning. She later spoke to Hersh’s parents later in the day, alongside her husband, Second Gentleman Doug Emhoff, she said in a post on X.

“Hamas is an evil terrorist organization. With these murders, Hamas has even more American blood on its hands,” Harris said in a statement Sunday morning. “I strongly condemn Hamas’ continued brutality, and so must the entire world.”

And President Joe Biden said he was “devastated and outraged” and called Goldberg-Polin’s death “tragic and reprehensible.” “Hamas leaders will pay for these crimes. And we’ll continue working towards a deal to secure the release of the remaining hostages,” Biden said in a statement.

Republicans criticized Biden and Harris for their handling of the hostage crisis. Former President Donald Trump reiterated his belief on Truth Social that the Oct. 7 attacks on Israel would have never happened under a Trump administration: “The Hostage Crisis in Israel is only taking place because Comrade Kamala Harris is weak and ineffective, and has no idea what she’s doing,” Trump said in a post on Truth Social.

“What are they going to pay? I mean, what’s the price?” Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) said on ABC’s “This Week” in response to Biden saying Hamas will pay. “They destroyed a lot of Gaza. They put their own people in harm’s way. Hamas could care less about the Palestinian people.”

Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.) said that Biden and Harris need to put more pressure on Hamas and Iran: “I would urge him to finish the job against Hamas, which is exactly what Kamala Harris and Joe Biden should’ve done from the very beginning,” he said in an interview with Kristen Welker on NBC’s “Meet the Press.”

Ronen and Orna Neutra, parents of Israeli-American hostage Omer Neutra who is still being held, recently spoke at the Republican National Convention about freeing the hostage. They called on the administration to do everything possible to free their son and the remaining hostages on Sunday morning after the news of Goldberg-Polin’s murder.

“We are calling on President Biden and vice president Harris to do everything in our power to reach a deal and bring the hostages back,” Ronen Neutra said in an interview with Bash on “State of the Union.” “We were warning about that kind of situation.”

Schiff, a Democrat running for Senate in California, defended the Biden administration saying that they are doing everything he can. But he also acknowledged the limitations of the American government.

“We’re not putting boots on the ground in these tunnels under Gaza, so it is a very difficult situation in terms of our own ability to rescue these hostages,” Schiff said in an interview with Bash. “But I really sincerely believe the administration is doing everything possible.”

Jonathan Dekel-Chen, the father of one Israeli-American hostage still held captive, reaffirmed the building internal pressure and criticism on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to reach a deal. Mass protests in Israel had already been putting pressure on Netanyahu to bring the hostages home, but news of the death of the six ratcheted up their size and intensity, with the Jerusalem Post reporting that 300,000 gathered Sunday in Tel Aviv.

“Israelis at large, and myself included, have been extremely critical of the Israeli government for not negotiating in good faith now, for many, many months,” Dekel-Chen said in an interview with Nancy Cordes on CBS’ “Face the Nation” on Sunday, adding that only Netanyahu and Hamas’ Yahya Sinwar (“with the blood of thousands on his hands”) have the power to end the carnage.

Dekel-Chen added, “There is no explanation, a reasonable explanation why our government is refusing to deeply engage in these negotiations and complete them, when our entire senior military establishment and intelligence community has been saying publicly and openly for weeks and months that the time has come to end the fighting in Gaza get our hostages home, as many alive as possible.”

Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), in an interview with Welker, also noted the increased pressure on Netanyahu to reach an agreement, including from hostage families.

“What we need now is an end to the war,” Khanna said. “And we need to continue to pressure Hamas to unconditionally release the hostages, but the hostage families themselves are saying that Netanyahu needs to actually be in the negotiation.”

Khanna added that Netanyahu’s Defense Minister Yoav Gallant has also criticized the prime minister for not withdrawing troops from the Philadelphi Corridor along the border between Gaza and Egypt, as requested by Egypt and the United States deal. “I hope there’s going to be pressure on Hamas and Netanyahu to end this war, release the hostages,” he said.

House Democrats are touting an August boost to their ground game numbers — in the wake of President Joe Biden dropping his bid for reelection and backing Vice President Kamala Harris.

Staff and volunteers for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee knocked on more than 377,700 doors in August — more than in May, June and July combined, according to the committee. The DCCC said 104,000 of those were in the last week of August alone, the most of any week this cycle. House Democrats’ campaign arm also made 845,500 phone calls in August, similarly surpassing the total for the previous three months.

Like others in the party, House Democrats have seen a burst of enthusiasm since Biden ended his reelection bid and Harris launched her run. They’ve experienced a fundraising bump after last month’s convention, too.

“House Democrats are seeing an incredible amount of energy and enthusiasm across the country, and it’s going to power our victory in November,” said DCCC spokesperson Viet Shelton. “We are mobilizing volunteers and connecting with voters in record numbers because, when voters hear our message, Democrats win.”