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Republicans broke with Donald Trump. Now primary threats could be in the offing.

Dozens of House Republicans voted against a bill pushed by the president-elect to temporarily fund the government Thursday night, even after Trump promised retribution to those who crossed him.

The list of 38 Republicans opposed to the measure ranged from conservatives called out by name by the president-elect — like Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas) — to less visible agitators like Republican Reps. Aaron Bean (Fla.), Russ Fulcher (Idaho) and Wesley Hunt (Texas).

“I’m happy to take the fire,” Roy told POLITICO Thursday evening. “I understand why the president wants the debt ceiling off the table, I support him. But I don’t support doing it for the sake of doing it, without structural spending reforms.”

The two men spoke before Trump launched his broadside on Truth Social against the Texas conservative on Thursday, according to two people familiar with the talk, granted anonymity to discuss the private conversation. Other conservatives minimized the primary threat, given their seats are comfortably Republican and often support incumbents by wide margins.

“It’s real for some people, but Chip Roy can survive it. I can survive it,” said Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.). “It’ll move the needle 20 points in a race. But if you were going to win 80-20 percent you can be okay.”

Trump has largely been successful driving his intra-party rivals from the party — most of the ten House Republicans who voted to impeach him are no longer serving — but not always. Trump previously looked to boot Massie, but he survived easily.

And Republicans are hoping there is strength in numbers. Most of the Republicans who opposed are housed in the House Freedom Caucus or are adjacent, often meaning they are in safe GOP districts. Still, Trump is powerful with the base and he could create real challenges for some.

In the end, the government funding measure fell way short of becoming law, especially given it was considered under suspension of the rules, an expedited process for consideration requiring two-thirds support. It included a two-year suspension of the nation’s borrowing limit in addition to a short term government funding patch.

President-elect Donald Trump worked Friday morning to foist the blame for any potential government shutdown onto the current White House, insisting that the funding fight on Capitol Hill “is a Biden problem to solve.”

Lawmakers had seemed on track earlier this week to fund the government with time to spare, settling on a bipartisan stopgap spending bill, known as a continuing resolution or CR, that would extend government spending into March and included a lot of add-ons to appease Democrats and others. But that plan quickly drew the ire of Trump ally Elon Musk, followed by the president-elect and Vice President-elect JD Vance, tanking that bill. Still, with government funding set to run out at midnight on Friday, Trump insisted that it is President Joe Biden who should be held responsible for any shutdown. “If there is going to be a shutdown of government, let it begin now, under the Biden Administration, not after January 20th, under ‘TRUMP,’” the president-elect wrote on Truth Social. “This is a Biden problem to solve, but if Republicans can help solve it, they will!”

Of particular interest to Trump amid the ongoing spending negotiations is an increase, or outright removal, of the government’s debt limit. The president-elect has insisted that any funding package include such a provision, an especially tough pill to swallow for conservatives who have for years forced painful debt limit fights on Capitol Hill.

“Congress must get rid of, or extend out to, perhaps, 2029, the ridiculous Debt Ceiling,” Trump wrote on Truth Social just after 1 a.m. Friday morning. “Without this, we should never make a deal. Remember, the pressure is on whoever is President.”

Lawmakers have so far struck out on legislation that would meet Trump’s demands. A hastily brokered deal to fund the government and extend the debt limit collapsed on the House floor — with 38 Republican defectors — Thursday night. Speaker Mike Johnson worked through the night Thursday into Friday on a “Plan C” after ditching the original bipartisan deal and failing to pass the new bill on the House floor. Johnson and Trump are both weighing the pros and cons of a government shutdown.

Speaking to reporters, Johnson said the House will vote on a funding bill Friday morning.

“We’re expecting votes this morning. So y’all stay tuned. We’ve got a plan,” he said. Asked if they had reached a new agreement, he added: “We’ll see.”

Johnson is balancing Trump’s demands with the reality that any deal will require Democratic support in both the House and the Democratic-controlled Senate. Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer is asking to return to the original bipartisan deal that Trump and Musk killed.

“It’s a good thing the bill failed in the House, and now it’s time to go back to the bipartisan agreement we came to,” Schumer said Thursday.

Like Trump, Vance is already working on shutdown messaging, telling reporters Thursday that Democrats are to blame for the looming shutdown. “They’ve asked for a shutdown and I think that’s exactly what they’re going to get,” he told reporters.

Here’s what we’re watching in transition world today:

🗓️ What we’re watching

  • House Republican leaders planned to work through Thursday night and into Friday on a Plan C for funding the government, after abandoning their deal with Democrats and failing to pass an alternative backed by President-elect Donald Trump. Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer urged Speaker Mike Johnson to return to the original deal.
  • Trump is insistent that any deal eliminate the debt limit altogether, or at least punt it until after his presidency. 
  • Johnson and Trump are weighing the pros and cons of a shutdown. 
  • The blame game for a potential shutdown is already starting, with Vice President-elect JD Vance telling reporters Thursday that Democrats “asked for a shutdown, and I think that’s exactly what they’re going to get.”
  • Elon Musk’s involvement in the unraveling of the funding bill raised questions about whether he was simply getting a head start on his cost-cutting duties as the leader of the so-called Department of Governmental Efficiency with the blessing of Trump — or freelancing. If there were any hurt feelings between Trump and Musk, it was not apparent in the immediate aftermath.
  • The collapse of Congress’ spending negotiations is throwing the presidential transition and preparations for Trump’s second inauguration into chaos as Washington stares down the prospect of a government shutdown just after midnight Friday.

🚨What’s up with the nominees?

  • Senate Republicans have launched a new caucus to support Health and Human Services pick Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s agenda. 
  • Trump’s previous pick for attorney general, former Rep. Matt Gaetz, is plotting revenge for the when the House Ethics report about him is made public.
  • Members of the Trump transition arrived at the Energy Department on Tuesday to meet for the first time with department leaders.

House Republican leaders planned to work through the night and into Friday on a Plan C for funding the government, after abandoning their deal with Democrats and failing to pass an alternative backed by President-elect Donald Trump.

Facing a government shutdown deadline at midnight Friday, Speaker Mike Johnson is under pressure to patch together a third proposal to avert a shutdown — while enacting other priorities that include more than $100 billion in disaster aid, retaining support from Trump along with a majority of House Republicans and enough Democrats to secure passage.

After last-minute objections from Trump and Elon Musk, Johnson is now forced to balance those conflicting interests ahead of a January vote to secure his speakership.

“We will regroup, and we will come up with another solution. So stay tuned,” Johnson said after the resounding defeat of his second attempt at a spending patch.

Asked while leaving the Capitol late Thursday evening if another bill would come up Friday, Johnson replied: “We’ll see.”

Lawmakers who opposed the funding measure have reached out to the Speaker’s office to find out the plan, gauge what options would be considered, and find a path forward, according to a Republican with knowledge of the matter. They were not taken up on their offers.

Centrist Republicans and some other GOP lawmakers are pushing for a vote on a stopgap funding measure that does not deliver on Trump’s wish to lift the debt limit. They argue that Democrats would support such an effort, coupled with an extension of “farm bill” policies and the $110 billion disaster aid package as negotiated under the initial bipartisan deal leaders rolled out earlier in the week.

“We’re going to work through the night to figure out a plan moving forward,” Rep. Kat Cammack (R-Fla.) said Thursday night, heading into Johnson’s office after the failed vote on the Trump-backed plan.

Cammack said Republicans “still have options,” adding that disaster aid is a dealbreaker for Floridians and “every single state, every district that has been impacted by weather-related issues.”

Majority Leader Steve Scalise told reporters Thursday night that leaders won’t try to pass the same Trump-endorsed bill again under a simple majority. The overwhelming defeat of the bill quashed Republican hopes of passing the measure under a lower bar than the two-thirds threshold used to fast-track action and avoid conservative opposition to an initial procedural vote.

Rep. Don Bacon (R-Neb.) said Republican leaders “should go back to the original” bipartisan agreement if they don’t include language to waive the debt limit in the next attempt.

“It was negotiated by so many people,” Bacon said of the initial accord that included changes to agriculture policy, rules for pharmacy benefits managers and consumer protections like forcing airlines to disclose more information on flight tickets. “We had good things in there.”

Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.), a Johnson critic who sits on the Rules panel, is urging leadership to break up the package and vote separately on a stopgap funding bill, raising the debt limit, disaster relief and farm assistance.

“This isn’t complicated. Separate the bills and vote on them individually,” he posted on social media Thursday night.

Rep. Ryan Zinke (R-Mont.), who served as Interior secretary during the first Trump administration, told POLITICO that he is offering “caution” to Republicans who opposed the new stopgap, telling them that Trump “is the quarterback” and “he called a play.”

Zinke huddled on the floor with Rep. Victoria Spartz (R-Ind.), a Republican who voted against the plan.

Rep. Dusty Johnson (R-S.D.) said lawmakers need to focus on proposals that can attract 218 votes of support in the House and 60 votes in the Democrat-controlled Senate.

“At some point, let’s just put on our big boy, big girl pants,” said the South Dakotan. “Ideas that don’t move us in that direction are not helpful.”

Democrats will also be assessing what’s next, with a caucus meeting scheduled for 10 a.m. Friday. Rep. Rosa DeLauro, the top Democrat on the House Appropriations Committee, said Republicans haven’t approached her about negotiating a bipartisan solution.

“Let’s go. Let’s get it done. Just 24 hours ago we were there. Just go back to the original deal,” DeLauro said after the failed vote.

In the Senate, Republicans are waiting to see what the fractured House can produce. “I don’t know what the plan is now,” incoming Senate Appropriations Chair Susan Collins (R-Maine) said Thursday night.

Jordain Carney, Meredith Lee Hill, Daniella Diaz, Olivia Beavers, Ursula Perano and Nicholas Wu contributed to this report. 

The collapse of Speaker Mike Johnson’s spending plan illustrates a painful lesson that other politicians have already learned: Absolute loyalty to Donald Trump is a one-way street.

As the U.S. teeters on the edge of a government shutdown, bitterly divided Republicans are struggling to find a way forward and Johnson’s hold on his job is in Trump’s mercurial hands.

Multiple House conservatives, as well as Trump advisers and other people close to the incoming president, indicate Johnson’s hold on the speakership is far from stable just as Republicans are about to take control of the House, Senate and White House. One Trump adviser, granted anonymity to speak candidly, said Johnson could salvage the relationship by “doing what Trump wants.” But another said that Trump wasn’t “protecting him” and not to be fooled by the president-elect’s publicly kind remarks.

“If somebody challenges Johnson, you’re not going to get any pushback,” said a Trump adviser, granted anonymity to speak frankly. “Which means he won’t save him if he’s in trouble.”

Johnson’s hold on power was already tenuous — with a slim House majority about to get even slimmer — but this week’s battle over a bipartisan spending plan may have done irreparable damage to the congressman from Louisiana.

Johnson appeared to be back on Trump’s good side after totally deferring to the incoming president’s demands on government spending — but his position is far from stable. After months of Johnson closely hugging the president-elect, Trump didn’t hesitate to throw him under the proverbial bus Wednesday, tanking his funding plan and even making thinly veiled threats about his ability to remain speaker next year, saying If Mike Johnson gets “tough” and cuts out the Democratic wins they secured, then he would be safe.

Republicans read into the unspoken counterpoint: Johnson was doomed if he didn’t.

Johnson aggressively worked to win the president back over, huddling late into Wednesday night with Vice President-elect JD Vance to try to bridge the party’s public divide on how to fund the government. As Johnson met with various factions of his own conference throughout the day, he and his team also circulated ideas with Trump and his allies to avoid another tanked spending bill.

But Johnson and his team were actively talking to the incoming president and his team about the initial stopgap plan, raising questions about where the communication broke down. Some wondered if Elon Musk’s public attacks altered that trajectory.

It’s a harsh reminder of how quickly Trump’s loyalties can change and his willingness to turn on allies who had long cultivated his favor. Johnson knows that keeping Trump on his side is crucial for his political survival as speaker, and that’s going to repeatedly color how Johnson can operate not only in the next couple of weeks, but also next year — if he can hold onto the gavel.

Trump’s allies were actively working to get support for the new stopgap funding bill; the White House legislative affairs team appeared to be involved in checking where members stood ahead of the vote on the revised spending plan, according to a member familiar with the efforts. And some of Trump’s allies are explicitly warning Republicans not to oppose votes that the incoming president backs.

Rep. Ryan Zinke (R-Mont.) said Thursday, after a conversation with Rep. Victoria Spartz (R-Ind.), that he was offering “caution” to Republicans who opposed the new stopgap, telling them Trump “is the quarterback” and “he called a play.” Spartz voted against the bill.

But Trump has now cooled on explicitly defending Johnson for speaker. As recently as this month, Trump was privately urging GOP members, according to one House Republican who spoke to him, to not do anything to distract from the start of his administration. This Republican took that to mean he didn’t want a protracted speakership fight. But after the spending fiasco, some members wonder if Johnson still has the votes.

One House Freedom Caucus member indicated Trump’s backing is a determinative factor: “I keep hearing more and more rumors of people that are jailbreak but at the end of the day, if Trump is backing him on Jan. 3, you really want to stand up against Trump?”

The House Freedom Caucus also huddled Thursday ahead of the vote on the Trump-backed spending bill, where a group of their members vented frustrations and also acknowledged that Trump is watching what happens, according to a person with knowledge of their private meeting. Many conservatives opposed the funding plan, and one who came out against it, Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas), got a primary threat from Trump earlier in the day.

Johnson has virtually no room for error on a speakership vote. Republicans are expected to have a 219-215 majority on Jan. 3 given Matt Gaetz’s resignation, meaning Johnson will only be able to lose one of his GOP members and still get the 218 votes needed to be speaker.

Johnson already has one strike against him: Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) has publicly stated he doesn’t plan to back Johnson on the House floor and is hinting that other Republicans share his concerns. Another, Spartz, said earlier this week that she’ll remain a Republican but not attend conference meetings, throwing into question if she would back Johnson.

No one has publicly joined Massie so far, but Johnson is facing skepticism, and in some cases vocal criticism, from several others, who say they are undecided about how they will handle his speaker race election. Some members are publicly floating potential alternatives to Johnson, including Judiciary Committee Chair Jim Jordan (R-Ohio), Majority Leader Steve Scalise (R-La.), Majority Whip Tom Emmer (R-Minn.) and Rep. Byron Donalds (R-Fla.), as conservatives raged against the initial funding plan.

“I think he’s certainly got a lot of whipping to do,” said one House conservative, granted anonymity to speak frankly.

Still, some conservatives dismissed threats to Johnson’s speakership as mere saber rattling.

“Everyone likes to question, and then no one likes to actually go out and publicly own it. So until someone steps up, I don’t even think that that’s a topic of discussion as of right now. The president supports him. I support him,” said Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-Fla.), a Freedom Caucus member, about Johnson’s chances of remaining speaker.

Asked if Trump backing the spending plan helps Johnson on Jan. 3, Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.) said “time will tell.”

“I like Mike,” added Norman, who is opposing the latest spending plan. “[But] no bill is better than a bad bill.”

Meridith McGraw, Meredith Lee Hill, Holly Otterbein contributed to this report.

As Elon Musk unleashed a volley of X posts demanding that Republicans back away from a deal to avert a government shutdown, Donald Trump was publicly silent.

Instead, the president-elect holed up in his office Wednesday in a ballroom above Mar-a-Lago. While Musk riled up the MAGA masses, Trump was holding a series of conversations with top aides — including Susie Wiles and Stephen Miller — as Vice President-elect JD Vance privately expressed Trump’s concerns about the bill on Capitol Hill, according to two people granted anonymity to discuss the matter freely.

By the time Trump and Vance finally chimed in several hours later in a joint statement, the measure was already tanked and Speaker Mike Johnson’s future was in jeopardy.

The sequence highlighted the evolving dynamic with his high-profile benefactor-turned-adviser and raised an awkward question for Trump of whether he or Musk was running the show. As GOP lawmakers on Thursday floated the prospect of installing the billionaire businessman as House speaker, and Democrats taunted Trump by claiming Musk was the real leader of the Republican Party, Trump did a round of interviews with reporters seemingly meant to ensure they knew it was his idea to kill the bipartisan funding bill.

In phone interviews with reporters at ABC, CBS and NBC, Trump also called for the debt ceiling to be eliminated or extended and emphasized that if the government did in fact shut down, “it’ll be a Biden shutdown.”

Trump aides and allies insisted that Musk was acting at the president-elect’s direction.

Musk is a “pawn in Trump’s chessboard, like everybody else,” said a person close to Trump who, like others in this story, was granted anonymity to speak frankly. The media “really wants to paint Elon as this independent character. If it were a chessboard, [Musk would] be a bishop.”

But the fact that Trump’s spokesperson felt it necessary to issue a statement about who was leading the GOP showed the extent to which lines had been blurred, even among some Republicans and close Trump allies.

“As soon as President Trump released his official stance on the CR, Republicans on Capitol Hill echoed his point of view. President Trump is the leader of the Republican Party. Full stop,” said Karoline Leavitt, Trump’s incoming White House press secretary, in response to Democrats’ taunts that Musk was actually in charge.

Musk’s involvement in the Capitol Hill fiasco raised questions about whether he was simply getting a head start on his cost-cutting duties as the leader of the newly announced Department of Governmental Efficiency with the blessing of Trump — or freelancing.

Johnson told Fox News on Wednesday morning he spent his evening texting with Musk and his DOGE partner Vivek Ramaswamy about the proposed bill.

“Here’s the question: Is Elon saying to the president, ‘Hey, I’m going to do this.’ And the president’s like, ‘Great, you be the fucking bad guy.’ Or is he just doing this shit? And the president’s like, ‘Ah, fuck,’” said a person close to Trump.

“Elon knows a lot about launching rockets into space. But what does he know about the minutiae of political dealmaking, right? And what it takes to get through? It is very difficult to get things passed when you have [an eight-seat] majority.”

Those razor-thin margins left Johnson scrambling to piece together a stopgap bill that Democrats and Republicans alike could agree to, even if it went far beyond what Trump’s team had made clear the president-elect would support.

If there were any hurt feelings between Trump and Musk, it was not apparent in the immediate aftermath. On Wednesday night, Musk joined Trump at a dinner with Amazon founder Jeff Bezos on the patio of Mar-a-Lago.

“The most influential person in the Republican Party is Donald Trump. But the second-most is Elon Musk. He has the attention of a lot of members,” said a House Republican staffer granted anonymity to speak freely.

Much of Musk’s clout comes from his unique ability to fire up the GOP base on social media. A former Republican lawmaker said Musk’s power can’t be overstated. The ex-lawmaker suggested that GOP members are aware of his ability to create a backlash online and take seriously his threat to fund primary challenges against them.

“No one wants to cross him,” the former lawmaker said, adding that it would be foolish to expect any profiles in courage given that most of the more independent-minded lawmakers have already departed.

Some conservative allies and Republicans close to Trump, like Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.), even suggested that Johnson should be replaced by Musk.

“I’d be open to supporting @elonmusk for Speaker of the House,” Greene posted. “The establishment needs to be shattered just like it was yesterday.”

The 24 hours of chaos — a foreshadowing of future negotiations on Capitol Hill — resulted in a GOP plan that both Trump and Musk endorsed. (Its fate is in doubt after Democrats came out opposed.)

“SUCCESS in Washington!” Trump declared on X. “Speaker Mike Johnson and the House have come to a very good Deal for the American People.”

Musk reposted Trump’s statement, and later clarified that he did not have anything to do with the new deal.

“I’m not the author of this proposal. Credit to @realDonaldTrump, @JDVance & @SpeakerJohnson,” Musk wrote.

Eli Stokols and Betsy Woodruff Swan contributed to this report.

A bill to avert a government shutdown failed on the House floor Thursday night, after Democrats and conservatives rebelled against Speaker Mike Johnson’s new Donald Trump-backed spending plan.

The measure went down decisively, 174-235, failing to meet a two-thirds bar for passage under a fast-track procedure, as 38 Republicans joined 197 Democrats to tank the bill. Two Democrats voted for the bill, and one voted present.

With government funding set to expire at midnight Friday, Elon Musk and Trump lured Congress into a power struggle, demanding that Johnson abandon the bipartisan accord he struck with top Democrats this week and instead craft a bill favored by Republicans. By defeating that Trump-backed alternative, Democrats demonstrated that they won’t help him pass bills if they don’t have a seat at the negotiating table.

“A deal’s a deal,” Rep. Rosa DeLauro (D-Conn.), the House’s top Democratic appropriator, said on the floor before the vote.

“Yesterday a multi-billionaire, with apparently no working knowledge of government or of appropriations — a self-appointed president of the United States, Elon Musk — issued a marching order for House Republicans to go against their own elected leadership and shut down the government,” DeLauro said. “Soon after, Congress was on a fast track to a government shutdown.”

GOP leaders could now try to pass the bill with a simple majority. But they would need almost every Republican to vote in support of teeing up debate, then for passage — a feat they have continually failed to pull off over the last two years as conservative lawmakers block party leaders from passing funding bills under a simple majority.

The package — which includes funding the government through March 14, suspending the debt ceiling until early 2027 and disaster relief, among a few other priorities — was hastily assembled Thursday afternoon after Trump and Musk urged Republicans to spike the previous package.

Top Republicans argue that Democrats should support the bill on its merits, since it contains much of what they already agreed to, despite Johnson’s backtracking on the initial bipartisan accord.

“This keeps the government open. What my friends want to do by voting no is to effectively shut it down,” House Appropriations Chair Tom Cole (R-Okla.) said on the floor.

The second-attempt spending and disaster package was assembled without input from Democrats, who fumed about Republicans stripping out dozens of bills they want to clear in the final days of the current session of Congress, from measures on pricing transparency for hotel reservations to support for the semiconductor supply chain.

Thursday night’s failed vote follows two days of chaos and House Republican infighting about the stopgap spending agreement brokered by Johnson and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer — drama that began even before Musk and Trump weighed in with demands, including that the bill waive the U.S. debt limit as the nation surpasses $36 trillion in debt.

Johnson tried to shore up support within his own conference for the original stopgap, which many complained was burdened with additional spending and policy bills. But Musk stoked outrage against the bill online, and Trump landed the killing blow on Wednesday.

Jordain Carney contributed to this report.

House Democrats are finding themselves in uncharted waters after President-elect Donald Trump and House Republican leaders proposed raising the federal debt limit, potentially taking a default off the table for the first half of Trump’s second term.

The provision embedded in the newly revised continuing resolution set for a House vote Thursday evening looks a lot like what Democrats wanted Republicans to support when presidents of their own party were in power: It suspends the debt ceiling through Jan. 30, 2027, without any corresponding spending cuts.

When Trump first publicly floated addressing the borrowing limit, or eliminating it entirely, on Wednesday evening, it piqued the interest of some Democrats who have long railed against it as nothing more than a potential lure for Republican hostage-taking.

“Let’s get rid of the debt limit. Let’s be done with it,” said Rep. Rosa DeLauro (D-Conn.), the top Democrat on the Appropriations Committee. “I agree with President-elect Trump,” declared Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), endorsing abolition.

But by Thursday evening, when it became clear that Republicans wanted only a two-year pause hitched to a stopgap funding package that dropped some of their priorities, they rallied against it.

“I’m not simply a no. I’m a hell no,” House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries told his caucus in a closed-door meeting, per three people familiar with his remarks.

Why the turnabout?

As much as Democrats would love to disarm this particular legislative time bomb, they’re not in any mood to negotiate with Republicans after Trump and billionaire ally Elon Musk sabotaged the prior deal to keep the government open and provide billions in disaster and farm relief.

“We have a bipartisan, bicameral negotiated deal that we should vote on to keep the government open,” Rep. Scott Peters (D-Calif.) told reporters.

Rep. Brad Schneider (D-Ill.), the incoming chair of the centrist New Democrat Coalition, said the GOP decision to renege on the initial deal “is so bad that it makes it virtually impossible” to address the debt limit.

“The conversation we need to be having is, how much money are we going to bring into this government to pay for the things we want to do, and given how much money we think we can bring in, what are the things that are most important for us to do?” he said. “And that conversation gets usurped by the whole debate around debt limits and hostage-taking.”

Jeffries sent a clear signal on his debt-limit position to fellow Democrats in a social media post Thursday morning: “GOP extremists want House Democrats to raise the debt ceiling so that House Republicans can lower the amount of your Social Security check. Hard pass.”

Other Democrats quickly fell in line, including some who have long decried brinkmanship over borrowing.

“We have at least six months to resolve the debt ceiling. But we only have hours to prevent a government shutdown. Republicans need to honor the agreement they negotiated and stop manufacturing crises that harm hardworking Americans,” top Budget Committee Democrat Rep. Brendan Boyle (D-Pa.) said in a statement.

The widespread Democratic opposition means Thursday’s planned vote — under suspension of the rules, requiring a two-thirds margin — will likely fail. Aside from Democrats, a cadre of conservative House Republicans also appears likely to oppose any attempt to hike or abolish the debt ceiling.

That could leave Trump and House Speaker Mike Johnson in a familiar spot: negotiating with the other party over what they would want in return for raising the debt limit.

The shutdown blame game has already begun on Capitol Hill, a telltale sign that lawmakers don’t expect they can clear a funding plan before the Friday night deadline.

Republicans’ revamped attempt at a stopgap spending bill is headed to the House floor Thursday evening but it’s almost certainly doomed, given it needs to meet a two-thirds threshold to pass the chamber and Democrats have vocally opposed it.

Democrats have already dubbed it the Elon Musk shutdown, given the billionaire publicly excoriated the original bipartisan spending deal and helped tank it on Wednesday. And Republicans are coming out swinging against Democrats after House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries urged his fellow Democrats to vote against the new, hastily assembled package.

“If the government shuts down because Hakeem Jeffries tells his people not to vote for it, the Democrat party in the House of Representatives will be directly responsible for shutting the government down and destroying American agriculture. Period,” Rep. Derrick Van Orden (R-Wis.) said Thursday afternoon.

Republicans — trying to placate Donald Trump, who had also denounced the previous funding deal for being too kind to Democrats — had worked out the funding deal among their own party and did not involve Democrats. But GOP lawmakers argued that the bill, which still included more than $100 billion in disaster aid, didn’t include provisions that were objectionable to Democrats, and took into account bipartisan negotiations on the previous version.

“It’s interesting that Democrats are now saying that they don’t want a government shutdown. Yet they’re going to vote against it, and a lot of it was already negotiated with Democrats,” said Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-Fla.).

Democrats are fuming at Republicans for throwing out a bipartisan agreement that took weeks to negotiate, instead working out a new deal only within their own party and ignoring the reality that Democrats control the Senate and the White House for another month. And many of them are blaming Musk, as well as the so-called Department of Government Efficiency that he will lead next year.

“Elon Musk ordered his puppet President-elect and House Republicans to break the bipartisan agreement reached to keep government open,” wrote former Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) on social media Thursday evening. “House Republicans are abdicating their responsibility to the American people and siding with billionaires and special interests.”

It’s a long-running tradition in Washington to blame the other party for shutting down the government. But it’s a terrible sign for anyone hoping to actually avoid the shutdown, signaling that lawmakers are at a standoff and aren’t confident they can come to a deal before the deadline on Friday at midnight. Democrats keep calling on Republicans to return to the previous deal, while Republicans are planning another go at their own agreement if and when it fails Thursday evening.

In a divided Congress, one month before a presidential transition and less than a week before Christmas, there’s plenty of blame to go around.

“I think what Republicans are trying to do here is clearly tee this up and make it easier for reconciliation next year, but to put this on at this point without consulting us or talking to us is just pretty unfortunate. We had a deal, it was a bipartisan deal, it’s a four corners deal, they should honor the deal,” said Democratic Caucus Chair Pete Aguilar (D-Calif.).

The American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE), the largest federal employee union, is also ready to place blame on the GOP, already labeling anticipated mass furloughs of their members the “DOGE shutdown.” And Rep. Rosa DeLauro (D-Conn.), the top Democrat on the Appropriations Committee, unleashed on the House floor ahead of the vote on the reworked spending bill.

“House Republicans are responsible for any harm and uncertainty brought upon the American people and should some get their wish for a month-long government shutdown,” she said.

Daniella Diaz, Hailey Fuchs and Mia McCarthy contributed to this report.

House Democrats were skeptical of an emerging Republican-led funding deal as they walked into a closed-door caucus meeting Thursday afternoon, meaning it’s almost certainly doomed on the House floor, with less than 36 hours to go until a shutdown deadline.

“The Musk-Johnson proposal is not serious. It’s laughable. Extreme MAGA Republicans are driving us to a government shutdown,” House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries said to reporters as he walked into the meeting.

Speaking privately to members of his caucus minutes later, Jeffries told lawmakers: “I’m not simply a no. I’m a hell no,” according to three people familiar with his remarks, granted anonymity to speak about the meeting.

Other Democratic lawmakers also expressed doubts about the legislation, which Republican leaders were teeing up for a vote Thursday evening. It would suspend the debt ceiling through early 2027, fund the government through March, and include billions in disaster relief funds, a top Democratic priority.

The vote on the bill is scheduled to come up via a process called suspension, which means it needs to meet a two-thirds vote threshold to pass. If Democrats are roundly against it, it will fail on the floor — leaving Congress without an obvious solution to avoid a shutdown.

“This was done on short notice,” said Rep. Richard Neal (D-Mass.), the top Democrat on the Ways and Means Committee, who said he was opposed. “We reached an agreement on a bipartisan basis between the respective leadership and the membership of both parties, only to have an interruption take place and then a veto occurs after the agreement has been rendered and reached.”

President-elect Donald Trump and Elon Musk worked to spike the original deal on Wednesday, sending the House careening down an alternate path with a deadline looming.

“Elon Musk is not my constituent. My constituents are hard-working people who work very hard every day for every dime they have, and I’m sure as hell not bailing out on them in the final week,” said Rep. Ann McLane Kuster (D-N.H.), chair of the centrist New Democrat Coalition.

Top Democrats weren’t involved in the drafting of the legislation, and the unveiling caught senior lawmakers by surprise.

“All I know is it was just reported by the press. We have not been involved in anything that they have done,” said Rep. Rosa DeLauro (D-Conn.), the top Appropriations Committee Democrat.

Republicans argue the burden is now on Democrats to justify any opposition to a continuing resolution — “CR” for short — that averts a government shutdown and also prevents the U.S. from defaulting on its more than $36 trillion in debt next year.

“Fundamentally, Democrats are going to have to explain why a clean CR with disaster relief, keeping the government functioning and open — and doing, by the way, exactly what they argued a year ago — why they wouldn’t support that,” Rep. Marc Molinaro (R-N.Y.) said as he left Johnson’s office Thursday afternoon.

Those policies are typically something Democrats would support, GOP lawmakers note, without acknowledging that backing the plan threatens Democrats’ negotiating power going forward.

Olivia Beavers, Jordain Carney and Jennifer Scholtes contributed to this report.