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The Wall Street Journal editorial board urged Republicans in Congress on Sunday to reach a deal on border security rather than saving the issue as a campaign matter.

“As for House Republicans, they promised in 2022 to do something about the migrant surge, and here is their opening,” the editorial board wrote on Sunday. “It’s not as if they have much else to tout when they campaign for re-election. If they won’t accept this rare chance at incremental progress, voters can fairly conclude that Republicans want to exploit the border election after election without actually solving the problem.”

The editorial comes as Oklahoma Sen. James Lankford, Republicans’ top negotiator on a potential border deal, said Sunday that a deal on immigration and border policy could be reached this week as critical funding deadlines approach.

Meanwhile, House Republicans have demanded stricter border policies as right-leaning members threaten to shut down the government without action.

“Some House Republicans would rather have the issue in November than a policy victory now,” the editorial board writes. “Donald Trump may be rooting for that result so he can flog the border mess on the campaign trail.”

The WSJ editorial board points out that months ago, “Democrats wouldn’t even discuss changing incentives to the asylum system,” and “they’re waking up to the political harm” it’s doing to their own party. At the same time, some House Republicans are demanding that President Joe Biden and the Democratic Senate accept in full the GOP bill that calls for 900 miles of border wall to be built, the editorial board says.

“Navigating all of this is a test of leadership for Speaker [Mike] Johnson and the President,” the editorial board writes. “A deal is in the national interest, and their own political interest, and a failure would be a debacle on both counts.”

Rep. Larry Bucshon does not plan to seek reelection this year.

The Indiana Republican — who sits on the House Energy and Commerce Committee — is the latest in a steady stream of lawmakers to announce his plans to retire from Congress. His chief of staff announced Buchson’s intentions in an email shortly before he made a public announcement, according to an email obtained by POLITICO.

“Scripture teaches us, ‘For everything there is a season,’ and it became clear to me over the Christmas holiday with much discernment and prayer that the time has come to bring my season in public service to a conclusion,” Bucshon said in a press release.

He was first elected to the House in 2010, and took office in 2011.

Kari Lake raised $2.1 million during her first quarter as an Arizona Senate candidate, according to her campaign.

The former TV news anchor-turned-politician launched her long-anticipated campaign on Oct. 10 and quickly began racking up establishment support. Her fundraising total includes the period from mid-October to Dec. 31. Her cash-on-hand amount was not immediately available.

Arizona’s Senate race could be a historic three-way contest. Incumbent Sen. Kyrsten Sinema left the Democratic Party to become an independent and has not announced whether she will run again. Rep. Ruben Gallego is the top Democratic contender.

“Kari Lake is outworking everyone, posting a very strong fundraising haul for her first quarter in the race. Arizona is the best pick up opportunity for Senate Republicans,” Garrett Ventry, a Lake senior adviser, said in a statement.

Lake has nabbed endorsements from former President Donald Trump, and Sens. John Barrasso (R-Wyo.) and Tom Cotton (R-Ark.). She is trying to strike a different tone this cycle than when she ran for governor in 2022 in a campaign that focused heavily on claims of election fraud and personal attacks on her rivals.

Lake attempted to pivot in 2023, currying favor with GOP leaders and attempting a détente with allies of the late Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) whom she antagonized.

The National Republican Senatorial Committee has not yet endorsed in the primary but is working closely with Lake’s team. Steve Daines (R-Mont.), the Senate campaign chief, texts frequently with Lake about the race, according to a person familiar with their interactions.

“Kari Lake has strong grassroots support that is clearly translating to fundraising success,” Daines said in a statement.

Neither of Lake’s likely rivals have announced their fourth-quarter fundraising. But Gallego has raised more than $3 million for the past three quarters. Sinema’s fundraising has dried up somewhat since her party switch, but she had more than $10 million in the bank after the third quarter.

Two other Senate GOP candidates have also announced their totals from the last three months of 2023. Dave McCormick in Pennsylvania raised $5.4 million and gave himself another $1 million contribution. Sam Brown in Nevada raised $1.85 million.

Democrats are pouring millions of dollars into two must-win Senate races in Montana and Ohio, aiming to build party infrastructure that can help counteract the two states’ GOP leanings.

The Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee is set to invest seven figures in building out a ground game this fall to aid the reelection bids of Sens. Jon Tester (D-Mont.) and Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio), according to information shared first with POLITICO.

Tester and Brown are running in deep-red states where Republicans are heavily favored in this year’s presidential race. Since President Joe Biden is unlikely to focus on Montana or Ohio, where Tester and Brown are the last statewide Democrats standing, that makes it vital for Democrats to invest there early.

DSCC Chair Gary Peters (D-Mich.) said in a statement that the campaign arm’s “investments in sustained, effective grassroots organizing will lay the groundwork for our campaigns to win tough races.” The new investments will pay for staffers to focus on field training, volunteer recruitment and organizing, as well as analytics, data, voter access and voter outreach.

Though the DSCC did not provide a precise figure for its spending, ultimately the Senate Democratic campaign arm plans to spend tens of millions of dollars on its field programs, according to an aide. The party is expected to announce more states and funding later this year. During the successful 2022 midterm cycle, Democrats spent more on field organizing than TV ads.

The battle for the Senate majority this fall is likely to center around Ohio and Montana. With Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.) retiring, Tester and Brown now face the toughest races — and their reelections represent their party’s easiest path to keeping the majority. With that in mind, Republicans are homing in on the duo, hoping to nominate candidates best equipped to beat the two battle-hardened incumbents.

If Democrats win the presidential race this fall, they can maintain a 50-seat majority, provided all their incumbents are reelected. The DSCC has also announced funding for staff in several other battleground states — including Texas and Florida, which are the party’s best opportunities to knock off GOP incumbents in Ted Cruz and Rick Scott, respectively.

Congressional leaders have clinched a deal on overall budget totals that could pave the way for a broader government funding compromise in the coming weeks — further enraging Speaker Mike Johnson’s right flank.

The bipartisan agreement sets defense funding at $886 billion for the current fiscal year, in line with the total President Joe Biden and former Speaker Kevin McCarthy negotiated as part of last summer’s debt ceiling package. In a big win for Democrats, the accord pegs non-defense funding at nearly $773 billion, a total that counts tens of billions of dollars agreed to alongside the debt limit package.

Lawmakers have just 12 days to negotiate and finalize bill text before cash for many federal agencies expires on Jan. 19, while funding for the rest of the government runs out on Feb. 2, including for the military and the biggest domestic programs. A shutdown remains possible, with a host of thorny policy issues still unresolved, as well as conservative demands to attach GOP border reforms to spending legislation.

Non-defense budgets would remain roughly flat, amounting to a less than 1 percent decrease compared to current funding. Military programs would see about a 3 percent increase.

In a letter to House lawmakers on Sunday, the speaker celebrated $16 billion in extra spending cuts he negotiated beyond the terms of the debt agreement, for a total of $30 billion less than Senate lawmakers sought in the funding bills they have drafted. The new funding accord is still far higher than fiscal conservatives have demanded, however, risking Johnson’s good standing among his House Republican conference and raising the specter of a government shutdown.

The speaker acknowledged in his letter that the funding levels “will not satisfy everyone, and they do not cut as much spending as many of us would like.” But he called the deal “the most favorable budget agreement Republicans have achieved in over a decade,” noting that the bipartisan accord will allow GOP lawmakers to put their mark on federal budgets, rather than running the government on the “Schumer-Pelosi” deal struck before Republicans claimed the House majority last year.

Lawmakers will have to work incredibly fast — federal cash for the departments of Agriculture, Transportation, Energy, Veterans Affairs and more expires on Jan. 19. Funding for the rest of the government, including the biggest domestic programs and the Pentagon, runs out on Feb. 2. A shutdown remains very possible, with a host of thorny policy issues for congressional leaders to work through in extremely limited time, including conservative demands to attach GOP border reforms to spending legislation and Republican ultimatums holding up Biden’s separate request for more than $100 billion to aid Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan.

Johnson also forecast partisan clashes in the coming weeks on policy issues like funding for abortion, saying in his letter that the agreement gives GOP leaders “a path” to “fight for the important policy riders” included in the funding bills House Republicans have drafted.

White House budget director Shalanda Young said GOP leaders have been “working in good faith to prevent a shutdown.” But she predicted Johnson is likely to face revolt within his conference, complicating endgame negotiations and increasing the odds of a funding lapse.

“So while I think leadership understands this is a bad path, the question is: Can they hold back the floodgates?” Young told reporters during an event hosted by the Christian Science Monitor on Friday.

“History has shown us that leadership can work in good faith, and then they go into a raucous conference room after a trip to the border,” said the OMB director, who previously served as the House’s top appropriations aide. “And then the sentiment of … ‘We’ll shut the government down. We control the money,’ wins out the day.”

The deal on a government funding framework, a critical first step quietly negotiated by Schumer and Johnson’s staffs, comes after House conservatives spent the better part of last year trying to undo the budget totals established by last summer’s bipartisan debt ceiling accord.

Conservatives have fought for months to deeply slash spending beyond the bipartisan funding levels Biden and McCarthy negotiated, even ousting McCarthy from the speakership in part for cutting that deal with Democrats. Their efforts, however, have so far fallen short.

Indeed, the arrival of a new speaker has yielded a funding agreement that many Democrats would argue is actually a far better outcome for domestic programs than the cuts that could be triggered by last summer’s bipartisan debt law.

If Congress doesn’t override those triggers, a short-term funding patch would spur defense funding cuts of about 1 percent at the beginning of May, while non-defense accounts would be slashed by an estimated 5 percent. A 9 percent cut to domestic programs would be exacted if Congress fully funds the government without negating that sequester.

The fiscal conservatives who have pushed House Republican leaders all year to negotiate funding cuts to the non-military side of the budget are insistent that their new speaker use the sequestration threat as leverage to force other spending concessions from Democrats.

As the Senate’s bipartisan border negotiators sound an optimistic note about presenting a potential agreement to their colleagues next week, one of them — Arizona Independent Kyrsten Sinema — separately revealed that she spoke with Speaker Mike Johnson on Friday.

“We’ve been talking about briefing the two [Senate] conferences next week,” Sinema told reporters. “I think we are on track to do that.” She declined to offer any details about her separate conversation with Johnson.

Senators will return to Washington on Monday and will hold full party meetings on Tuesday. Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.), his party’s leading negotiator, echoed Sinema’s hopes of securing at least the outlines of a deal by early next week, though he was skeptical and made clear there is no agreement yet.

“We’ve already blown through the deadlines we had established for ourselves in 2023 … I don’t know that we’ll get there,” Murphy said. “We still have a couple outstanding issues that we’re working hard at.”

Clinching even a partial agreement on stricter border policy by early next week would be the most notable sign of progress in two months of negotiations among Murphy, Sinema, Sen. James Lankford (R-Okla.) and the Biden administration. If it happens, it couldn’t come at a more high-stakes time: The first batch of government funding runs out on Jan. 19, and House conservatives are already beginning to signal interest in trying to force a shutdown if a border deal isn’t reached that’s to their liking.

Johnson’s involvement also signals that talks are progressing to the point of briefing the House, where many lawmakers worry that Republicans could quickly reject any Senate deal. Conservatives are already pushing more border restrictions than Democrats can stomach, and if Johnson embraces a Senate proposal that’s unpopular with the right, he could face a problematic rebellion with a reed-thin majority.

A Johnson spokesperson did not immediately return a request for comment about his conversation with Sinema.

Senate negotiators spent the past few weeks facing questions on whether to welcome the speaker’s engagement in their work, or whether the lack of it showed they were pursuing a flawed strategy.

“You’ve got to get a bill through both chambers to get it signed by the president,” Sinema said. “So we’re working very hard to ensure that this is a bill that can pass both the Senate, the House and get signed by the president.”

Both Sinema and Murphy declined to offer specifics on whether they’re hoping to present their colleagues a framework, a bill text, or just a broad update on where negotiations stand. Their efforts are designed to create a border package that can help shake loose President Joe Biden’s $100 billion-plus emergency national security spending request — not to have any role in the domestic funding that’s set to expire soon.

“Normally how these big bipartisan deals work out is that you have a top line compromise first, and then you work to finalize the text. I don’t yet know how, if we reach an agreement, how we present that to our colleagues,” Murphy said.

Negotiators are expected to make some changes to U.S. asylum law, including raising the credible fear standard and an expulsion authority similar to the Trump-era Title 42 policy, according to three people familiar with the talks who were granted anonymity to discuss private conversations.

Department of Homeland Security officials are drafting text for these policies, according to one of the people, who asked to remain anonymous to discuss private conversations with Hill aides and administration officials.

The people further cautioned that the impact of the policies depends on how the text is written — a level of detail that hasn’t emerged from the tight-lidded talks. DHS Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas did not attend Friday’s meeting but is a regular presence in the talks; several White House officials were in attendance on Friday.

Negotiators are still working through complicated details of other potential policy changes, such as an expansion of expedited removal of migrants. The biggest sticking point remains striking a compromise over changes to the president’s parole authority, which has so far been a red line for the White House.

Sinema would not address what’s still holding up a final accord, but she told reporters that negotiators will continue to meet remotely this weekend before session resumes on Monday.

“It’s going to be very busy,” she said of the upcoming weekend.

There’s good news about House Majority Leader Steve Scalise’s treatments for blood cancer: He has responded well to chemotherapy and is undergoing a stem cell transplantation process, according to his office.

That ongoing course of treatment means the Louisiana Republican will work remotely this month before returning to Washington in February, according to his office.

“He is currently undergoing the transplant process, marking a significant milestone in his battle against cancer,” the office said in an unattributed statement. “Once the procedure is completed, he will be recovering under the supervision of his medical team and will work remotely until returning to Washington next month.”

Scalise revealed his diagnosis of multiple myeloma, a type of blood cancer, back in August. His ongoing treatment became an issue in his unsuccessful bid to replace former Rep. Kevin McCarthy as speaker back in the fall.

House Republicans will take a first step next week toward holding Hunter Biden in contempt of Congress, after he skipped a closed-door interview last month.

The House Oversight and Judiciary committees will vote Wednesday on resolutions to hold Hunter Biden in contempt, paving the way for a floor vote in which Republicans will need near unity from their increasingly narrow majority.

“Hunter Biden’s willful refusal to comply with our subpoenas constitutes contempt of Congress and warrants referral to the appropriate United States Attorney’s Office for prosecution. We will not provide him with special treatment because of his last name,” Oversight Committee Chair James Comer (R-Ky.) and Judiciary Committee Chair Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) said in a joint statement.

Both committees are also expected to issue a report, which hasn’t been released yet, making their case for why they believe the president’s son should be held in contempt.

Hunter Biden attorney Abbe Lowell, in a statement, said, “It’s clear the Republican Chairmen aren’t interested in getting the facts or they would allow Hunter to testify publicly. Instead, House Republicans continue to play politics by seeking an unprecedented contempt motion against someone who has from the first request offered to answer all their proper questions. What are they afraid of?”

It’s the latest in the standoff between House Republicans and Hunter Biden, whose legal team didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment on Friday. Republicans will ultimately need the Justice Department to agree to enforce any referral — making it unlikely that Hunter Biden will face new charges.

Republicans subpoenaed the president’s son to appear behind closed doors for an interview on Dec. 13. Instead, Biden skipped the appearance and spoke briefly to reporters outside of the Capitol, defending his father, President Joe Biden, and reiterating that he is willing to take part in a public hearing.

Congressional Democrats, the White House and Hunter Biden allies have criticized Republicans for refusing to accept the offer for public testimony, pointing back to remarks from Comer earlier last year where he seemed open to the idea. But House Republicans have rejected holding a public hearing — unless Hunter Biden meets with them privately first — arguing that the president’s son shouldn’t dictate their subpoenas.

Republicans are months into their investigation aimed at President Joe Biden that has largely focused on the business deals of his family members. They view Hunter Biden as one of their biggest targets. They are also working to get interviews with James Biden, Joe Biden’s brother, and Rob Walker, a Hunter Biden business associate.

The contempt step comes as Republicans are nearing a decision about whether or not to pursue articles of impeachment against Joe Biden. It is far from clear they will have the votes to impeach him, even after Republicans voted to formalize their inquiry last month.

Republicans have poked holes in previous statements by Joe Biden and the White House, and they’ve found evidence of Hunter Biden using his last name to try to build his own influence. But they’ve struggled to find a smoking gun that shows actions taken by Joe Biden as president or vice president were meant to benefit his family’s business deals.

As bipartisan talks on a deal linking stricter border security policies with Ukraine aid stretch on with no clear resolution in sight, Speaker Mike Johnson has a new problem: the growing number of House conservatives willing to shut down the government over it.

There are just two weeks remaining before the first tranche of federal funding runs out on Jan. 19, with a more high-profile group of agencies set to run dry on Feb. 2. And without a border agreement that Johnson can sell to the majority of the House GOP, he’s facing a growing rebellion among hardliners who want to pick a shutdown fight over surging migration at the nation’s southern border.

The idea began with Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas), who floated it on social media, and others followed suit. Reps. Andy Biggs (R-Ariz.), Matt Rosendale (R-Mont.), Eli Crane (R-Ariz.), and Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.) reiterated the position during a House GOP trip to the border this week, with Biggs claiming: “No more money for his bureaucracy until you’ve brought this border under control.”

The conservative House Freedom Caucus is hardly united behind the push to shut down the government over the border — and without a bigger swath of its members vowing to oppose any funding plan without a border deal, the speaker’s headaches may prove somewhat contained. The Louisiana Republican had demanded any Ukraine aid be tied to border changes, but never truly embraced the Senate’s ongoing bipartisan talks.

So it’s not a good sign that House GOP support for linking the border to domestic funding is only growing. The number of public supporters for a shutdown fight over migration exceeds a dozen. In addition to the five Republicans named above, they are:

Rep. Bob Good (R-Va.), new chair of the Freedom Caucus
Rep. Lauren Boebert (R-Colo.)
Rep. Eric Burlinson (R-Mo.)
Rep. Andy Ogles (R-Tenn.)
Rep. Andrew Clyde (R-Ga.)
Rep. Dan Bishop (R-N.C.)
Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-Fla.)
Rep. Mary Miller (R-Ill.)
Rep. Warren Davidson (R-Ohio)

House Republicans have a narrow three-vote majority, which will shrink to two after Rep. Bill Johnson (R-Ohio) leaves office on Jan. 21. That makes the burgeoning demands from his right flank more than enough to sink any spending bill that GOP leadership tries to pass along party lines. If Johnson leans too heavily on Democratic votes to pass a funding agreement, though, he could face fresh threats to his gavel.
The speaker, importantly, has so far stopped short of embracing the threat of a government shutdown as soon as this month. Asked about the possibility during the trip to the border this week, Johnson said it was “too early to pre-judge,” but that Republicans were “resolved” behind two main priorities: “to get the border closed and secured” and to “reduce non-defense discretionary spending.”

During a private call with fellow Republicans this week, Johnson floated the idea of direct outreach to the White House on the border, according to a person familiar with the conversation who was granted anonymity to address it.

But any such effort would have a hard time leapfrogging over bipartisan Senate border talks that, after weeks of wrangling, are continuing to make slow headway on a deal that could with enough GOP votes across the Capitol.

When it comes to government funding, Johnson would be able to sidestep frustration from his hardliners if he can strike a deal with Senate Democrats and the White House. That gets harder if he decides to try to link a GOP border bill to the government funding talks, an idea that’s DOA in the Senate.

“We have seen this failed playbook before, and here’s the bottom line: shutting the government down over extreme partisan policies … doesn’t solve a single problem — instead, it forces the personnel at our southern border to work without pay and seriously undermines the very agencies responding to the uptick in new arrivals,” said Senate Appropriations Committee Chair Patty Murray (D-Wash.).

While House Republicans have also used short-term funding extensions to buy more time since taking over the majority last year, that’s less likely to happen this time — the speaker is wary of turning to another stopgap bill after fierce backlash from his use of one in the fall.

If Johnson agrees to tie border security to a government funding bill, House Republicans would need to agree among themselves on what that proposal would look like. They previously passed a sweeping bill last year that would make it significantly harder to seek asylum in the U.S. and fund the continued building of the border wall, in addition to other GOP migration priorities.

Meanwhile, Freedom Caucus co-founder Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) offered his own idea during the GOP’s trip to the border this week: Insert language into any government funding bill that would suspend the processing and release of new migrants.

“We should put that one sentence into legislation,” Jordan said. “I think it boils down to the will of Republicans in the United States Congress. Are we going to force that sentence, that solution, on a piece of legislation?”

Caitlin Emma contributed.

Shortly after reports emerged that Speaker Mike Johnson floated negotiating directly with the White House on border policy, President Joe Biden’s budget director Shalanda Young panned the idea.

Young argued that if Johnson is serious about addressing the surge of migrants at the southern border, he would reach out to the Senate negotiators who have been working towards a solution for weeks.

“It’s a long trip down to the White House to do something that could be done right next door” in the Senate, she said at a breakfast with reporters Friday morning sponsored by the Christian Science Monitor.

Johnson raised the idea of reaching out to the White House directly during a call with House Republican freshmen, according to a person familiar with the call. Johnson said he was “weighing it” but acknowledged that the Senate has the pen, that person added. Punchbowl News first reported the details of the call.

Johnson is “a fellow Louisianan, so I’m going to use a charitable thought here, but that is not serious,” Young added.

Several House Republicans have called for shutting down the government if their border demands are not met. Many of them want Democratic leaders to agree to the functional equivalent of the partisan H.R. 2, a bill packed with conservative priorities that Democrats have widely rejected.

That rhetoric on the border has Young increasingly worried about keeping the government funded beyond back-to-back deadlines on Jan. 19 and Feb. 2.

The trip Johnson and dozens of other House Republicans took to the border this week “left me with more concerns about where they’re headed,” Young said. “Don’t mark me down as optimistic this morning, especially after some of the remarks I’ve seen over the last couple of days.”

In exactly two weeks, Congress will face the first of two government shutdown deadlines. From her decades of experience as a top appropriations aide in the House, Young noted the difficulty of even drafting the first tranche of spending bills by that funding cliff, since congressional leaders still haven’t struck a deal on a framework agreement setting overall funding totals.

Democrats are insisting on a non-defense spending figure of about $773 billion and they’re amenable to Covid aid rescissions and IRS cuts, according to a person familiar with those funding negotiations.

“I’ve seen a few of these rodeos before,” said the budget director. “And it is tight, to say the least, just from a mechanical standpoint, how quickly can appropriators write to finish these first four bills by January 19.”

Caitlin Emma contributed to this report.