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Senators cleared nearly a dozen long-stalled four-star military positions late on Tuesday evening as lawmakers left for the year without action on international aid or border security policy.

In addition, the chamber cleared a short-term extension of the Federal Aviation Administration’s authorization by voice vote after Sen. Michael Bennet (D-Colo.) dropped his hold, sending the bill to President Joe Biden’s desk.

“We have no more votes until we return in January,” Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer said on the floor late Tuesday. “We are going to be in session [Wednesday] to do housekeeping business, but there are no more votes scheduled” until 2024.

What about those talks? Senators left without legislative text or a detailed framework for a deal that would pair border security policy changes with foreign aid, but Schumer and Minority Leader Mitch McConnell issued a rare joint statement touting “encouraging progress” in the talks and vowing action “early in the new year.”

“Challenging issues remain, but we are committed to addressing needs at the southern border and to helping allies and partners confront serious threats in Israel, Ukraine and the Indo-Pacific,” the statement read. “The Senate will not let these national security challenges go unanswered.”

One of the lead negotiators, Sen. James Lankford (R-Okla.), told reporters on Tuesday evening he was “going to be here a while” and that lawmakers would keep talking via Zoom and video calls over the holiday period.

“We’ll keep working until we’re done,” he said.

Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.), another lead negotiator on the border-Ukraine deal, indicated the group planned to meet at some point Wednesday and said “I’m talking to Chuck Schumer all the time these days” about the status of the talks.

As for this year’s business: The movement on the military nominations, long-held by Sen. Tommy Tuberville (R-Ala.), comes even as the senator from Alabama gained nothing in return.

In addition, the chamber confirmed former federal prosecutor John Russell to serve on the U.S. District Court for Northern Oklahoma by voice vote, Tuesday’s second confirmation to an Oklahoma judicial seat.

Jordain Carney contributed.

Former President Donald Trump endorsed Bernie Moreno in Ohio’s Republican primary, wading into a three-way contest that could help determine the Senate majority next fall.

Trump’s endorsement of Moreno, a businessman, further scrambles a complicated field, which also includes state Sen. Matt Dolan and Secretary of State Frank LaRose. The National Republican Senatorial Committee has remained neutral in the race, with Chair Steve Daines (R-Mont.) arguing in an interview last week that any of the three candidates could win a general election.

Beating Sen. Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio) will require “a successful political outsider,” Trump argued in his social media post on Tuesday afternoon. Sen. J.D. Vance (R-Ohio) endorsed Moreno earlier this year and argues that the party needs to coalesce its disparate wings around Moreno.

“I do think we’re eventually gonna be able to get the party more fully supportive behind Bernie,” Vance said in a recent interview. “We’ll have more Senate folks coming out behind Bernie in the next few weeks.”

Vance knows the power of a Trump endorsement: The former president helped boost the junior senator through a difficult primary last year against a slew of candidates, including Dolan and Moreno, who withdrew. The polls in the 2024 primary are all over the place, with Moreno leading one last week and LaRose handily leading one this week.

“President Trump’s endorsement is the most powerful endorsement in politics, so this will certainly be a huge benefit to Bernie Moreno,” said NRSC spokesperson Mike Berg.

Majority Leader Chuck Schumer on Tuesday reiterated his support for a deal that would pair border policy changes with Ukraine aid, stressed Senate negotiators will need more time to reach agreement on a package.

“It’s going to take more time,” Schumer said Tuesday on the floor. “But no matter how long it takes we must succeed.”

His comments echo those made in recent days by New York Democrat, after negotiations among senators prompted a postponement of the chamber’s scheduled holiday recess — while failing, so far, to yield a framework for a deal.

The Senate leader emphasized that his chamber, despite attendance challenges, would clear pending nominations, military promotions and a short-term reauthorization for Federal Aviation Authority before leaving town for the holidays.

“We’ll not leave town until every last one of these delayed nominees is confirmed,” he vowed.

Minority Leader Mitch McConnell nodded to the ongoing challenges of reaching compromise, despite several weeks of intense negotiations, during his own opening remarks.

“They’re chipping away at years of failure to enact basic, common-sense border security policy,” he said. “Reaching an agreement that can pass Congress and become law is easier said than done.”

The Senate late Monday confirmed former Democratic presidential candidate and Maryland Gov. Martin O’Malley to lead the Social Security Administration amid extremely weak attendance.

The vote was 50-11, with 39 senators absent for the chamber’s first vote the week before Christmas as lawmakers continue working on an international aid and border security supplemental package.

Longtime Senate reporters and procedural experts called it the worst attendance for a vote that they could recall for at least the last two decades.

“Governor Martin O’Malley is the strong operational leader that the Social Security Administration needs right now,” said Sen. Ben Cardin (D-Md.) on the floor. “I saw his hands-on approach first-hand.”

Republicans objected to President Joe Biden’s decision to remove the last Senate-confirmed leader of the agency, Trump-appointed Andrew Saul, prior to the completion of Saul’s six-year term.

What’s next? Majority Leader Chuck Schumer teed up five votes on nominations on Tuesday afternoon, including Justice Department and judicial nominations.

When one door closes… Schumer teed up votes on two nominees who would be particularly unlikely to clear the chamber with more fulsome attendance.

One — Labor Department nominee José Javier Rodríguez — failed on a procedural floor vote last month, while the other, Joe Goffman, would lead the powerful air office of the Environmental Protection Agency (Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.) has vowed to oppose all EPA picks.)

Sen. Ben Cardin on Monday evening said he’s “terribly angered” and “disappointed” by reports that a now-former staffer had taken part in sexual activities in a Senate hearing room, which were captured on video.

“I understand the Capitol Police are doing an investigation,” Cardin told reporters, adding that his office is “absolutely” cooperating with the Capitol law enforcement. Cardin says he has not been individually contacted by Capitol Police.

Cardin said the tape was brought to his attention this weekend, adding that he does not know whether the staffer — identified as Aidan Maese Czeropski — had somehow booked the room. Czeropski is no longer with the senator’s office. The tape was first reported by the Daily Caller.

“My knowledge of this was over the weekend. When I learned about it, made sure that he was separated. So he left the Senate employment, and the appropriate steps were taken from the point of view of our office,” Cardin said.

Cardin, who is retiring after this term, would not go into detail about how well he knew the staffer.

“I’m not going to get into my relationship with staff people,” he said, noting that it’s a personnel issue.

Republican senators are distancing themselves from former President Donald Trump’s rhetoric used over the weekend that immigrants are “poisoning the blood of our country,” a comment President Joe Biden’s campaign has likened to those of Adolf Hitler.

“I obviously don’t agree with that. I mean, we’re all children of immigrants,” said Sen. Shelley Moore Capito (R-W.Va.), a member of Republican leadership, in a brief interview.

Sen. Roger Wicker (R-Miss.) echoed that he “certainly wouldn’t have said that,” and Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) called it “unhelpful rhetoric.” Others like Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.) and Sen. Todd Young (R-Ind.) declined to directly comment on the remarks.

The modest pushback — no senators called for Trump to walk the comments back or apologize — is reminiscent of the tack Republicans took back during the years of Trump’s presidency, when incendiary comments became somewhat of a norm. GOP senators would commonly say they hadn’t seen Trump’s comments on social media or the campaign trail, or say they disagreed with them and leave it at that.

“Looks like I’m looking forward to another year of answering these questions,” Young said, sarcastically.

Meanwhile, House GOP lawmakers heavily criticized some university presidents’ refusal to unequivocally condemn calls for the “genocide of Jews” as a violation of their schools’ code of conduct during a recent hearing. Those comments have led to the resignation of University of Pennsylvania President Liz Magill, criticism from Second gentleman Doug Emhoff and calls for others to step aside. Democrats have largely refrained from coming to the defense of the presidents following the comments.

Democrats, of course, were quick to condemn Trump’s comments during a New Hampshire rally.

“He can speak for himself and he reminds the American people why he not only should be president, but why he’s spending so much time in the court these days,” said Sen. Ben Ray Luján (D-N.M.).

Katherine Tully-McManus contributed. 

Elise Stefanik relished the role of Ivy League inquisitor in a high-profile hearing on antisemitism in academia. But when it comes to Donald Trump’s recent divisive comments about migrants “poisoning the blood” of America, she’s staying silent.

After she went viral with her questioning of university presidents about hate speech on their campuses, the No. 4 House Republican declared to POLITICO that “a reckoning” is due for those who don’t stand up to antisemitism. Stefanik did not return repeated requests for comment, however, about Trump’s weekend rhetoric — which echoed Adolf Hitler’s use of the term “blood poisoning” in his manifesto “Mein Kampf,” where he criticized the mixing of races.

“They let — I think the real number is 15, 16 million people into our country. When they do that, we got a lot of work to do. They’re poisoning the blood of our country,” Trump said about migrants at a New Hampshire rally on Saturday.

Stefanik touted her fight against antisemitic speech in the wake of her questioning of the presidents of Harvard, MIT and the University of Pennsylvania. All three university presidents equivocated when the New York Republican asked if calls for genocide against Jews would violate their campus codes of conduct, sparking a rush of notably bipartisan fury with elite academic institutions over their handling of public tension during the Israel-Hamas war. The moment looked poised to reshape Stefanik’s public image as a onetime moderate turned Trump defender.

Her silence about Trump’s remarks, which the Biden campaign likened to Hitler’s, risks unraveling that shift. And it highlights a bigger problem that congressional Republicans are facing with their presidential frontrunner, who’s famed for his use of offensive rhetoric, including open invocation of antisemitic tropes. The more he pushes the limits of campaign-trail commentary toward invective, the more Trump puts GOP lawmakers like Stefanik on defense — when they’d rather hit liberals as ivory-tower defenders of hateful speech.

Stefanik, a Harvard alum, drew widespread praise for her grilling of the elite university presidents on Dec. 5, drawing support from some Democrats who don’t otherwise agree with the conservative lawmaker. University of Pennsylvania President Liz Magill stepped down from the post several days after the House education committee’s hearing.

During that hearing, Stefanik took on Harvard University President Claudine Gay, comparing students calling for “intifada” on campus with a “Harvard student calling for the mass murder of African Americans.” She also demanded that Gay answer “yes or no” to whether she agreed these remarks were protected speech at Harvard.

Stefanik, who endorsed Trump for another term in office more than year ago, rarely if ever criticizes the former president in public.

Meanwhile, the Biden campaign escalated its anti-Trump pushback to a new level in a statement that likened the former president’s comments about migrants to the Nazi leader and highlighted his recent statement that he would not be a dictator if elected, “except for day one.”

“Donald Trump channeled his role models as he parroted Adolf Hitler, praised Kim Jong Un, and quoted Vladimir Putin while running for president on a promise to rule as a dictator and threaten American democracy,” Biden campaign spokesperson Ammar Moussa said in a statement. “He is betting he can win this election by scaring and dividing this country. He’s wrong.”

Senate border negotiations are almost certainly going to continue into January, based on comments from several senators involved in those talks.

The lead negotiators — Sens. Kyrsten Sinema (I-Ariz.), James Lankford (R-Okla.) and Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) — consistently asserted that they’d made steady progress in those talks (we followed those all weekend). But they also routinely tossed around words like complex, arcane and byzantine. Reading between the lines, it’s obvious all sides think they still have a ways to go in drafting border security language.

“I think this will go into next year,” said Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) on Sunday’s NBC’s “Meet the Press.” “The bottom line here is, we feel like we’re being jammed. We’re not anywhere close to a deal.”

Graham’s comments echoed similar sentiments from both Lankford and Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell.

What we’re keeping an eye on today:

Signals from Schumer: Majority Leader Chuck Schumer has promised a vote on a supplemental package — containing aid to Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan, as well as border security measures — before the end of the year. But we’ll see if he renews that commitment or scraps it when he offers opening remarks this afternoon.

Attendance: Don’t come in between senators and their holiday breaks. Any significant bloc of absences makes lining up the votes for any agreed-to package all the more complicated. We should get a decent sense of how many lawmakers are back in Washington on Monday night.

Don’t forget the stakes: The Biden administration has made clear it’s out of money it can send to Ukraine as it seeks to defeat Russia. Israel continues to battle Hamas after the Oct. 7 terrorist attack. And an average of more than 10,000 people are crossing the southern border daily.

The GOP is escalating its push to head off problematic nominees in a slate of critical states that could determine control of the Senate next year.

With the first intraparty contest now just three months away, Senate Republican leaders are entering a vital stretch as they work to nudge primaries toward their preferred candidates with public endorsements and campaign aid. By summertime, the GOP will learn whether its aggressive gambit paid off.

National Republican Senatorial Committee Chair Steve Daines (R-Mont.) and Minority Leader Mitch McConnell averted some primaries and have all but locked up retiring Sen. Joe Manchin’s seat in West Virginia. Yet Republicans are still facing internecine battles in states like Arizona, Ohio and Montana that could upend their best-laid plans. So they’re working harder to ensure they make the most of next fall’s highly favorable Senate map for their party, believing they can effectively close off Democrats’ path to the majority if they succeed.

In Arizona, some Republicans want to clear the field for Kari Lake by urging her opponent to primary a House member instead. In Ohio, GOP Sen. J.D. Vance is trying to sell party leaders on his preferred pick in a three-way contest. And in Daines’ home state, he and his allies are looking to end the GOP primary before it starts.

Conservatives are smarting at some of the GOP leaders’ tactics, but Daines isn’t bothered.

“I like where we’re at,” Daines said in an interview. “There are groups outside that are keeping a close eye on these primaries and not afraid to get behind candidates they believe can not just win a primary but a general election.”

It’s all part of a broader strategy that breaks sharply from the GOP’s unsuccessful last election cycle, when Sen. Rick Scott (R-Fla.) took an entirely hands-off approach to the primary season. Daines has already endorsed a half-dozen candidates, and has buy-in from allies that can help him follow through.

Montana is the biggest unknown. Republicans fear GOP Rep. Matt Rosendale, who lost to incumbent Democratic Sen. Jon Tester in 2018, could scramble their efforts to take back the Senate. Rosendale has not said whether he will enter the race, and a super PAC with ties to Daines is already hard at work trying to help Navy veteran Tim Sheehy edge Rosendale out.

Republicans at least avoided a repeat of an ugly primary in Pennsylvania. Republican Dave McCormick, the 2022 runner-up to Mehmet Oz, has the race to himself. But in other top-target states, the Senate GOP expects some brutal intraparty battles despite leaders’ attempts to winnow the fields. Ohio and Michigan are descending into bloodbaths as multiple self-funders vie for the nomination in each state. A similar dynamic could play out in Wisconsin.

“It’s a sort of volatile political season that we’re in,” said Senate Minority Whip John Thune (R-S.D.). “And so I think you could expect more people to run. People are motivated.”

With West Virginia all but certain to fall in their favor, Republicans only need to pick up one more Senate seat — or the presidency — to win the majority. Montana and Ohio are the ripest targets, with Ohio’s primary in March and suspense building around Rosendale’s will-he-or-won’t-he campaign.

“I would say he would be ill-advised to run at this point,” Rep. Ryan Zinke (R-Mont.) said of Rosendale. He acknowledged the representative “rarely” listens to advice.

More Jobs, Less Government, a PAC formed in 2019 to aid Daines’ own reelection effort, has dropped over $1.1 million into efforts to boost Sheehy. The Navy veteran is also airing his own ads, and two Republican polls have shown Sheehy edging out Rosendale in a potential primary. Rosendale is emboldened by the NRSC’s opposition, seething in a three-minute video that “instead of using their resources to expose Jon Tester for the liberal that he is, they’re spending their time trying to keep me out of this race.”

In Ohio, Vance is trying to avoid a repeat of 2022, when he won a vicious primary that created a rift for the national GOP that lingered all the way into the fall. Democrats are enjoying it, to say the least.

“Usually what happens is the more extreme candidate wins. And a lot of damage is done to whoever emerges,” said Sen. Gary Peters (D-Mich.), who runs the party’s campaign arm. “That’s going to be good for Sherrod Brown.”

Yet with Daines in favor of more aggressive tactics, Vance is pitching him on business executive Bernie Moreno over Secretary of State Frank LaRose and state Sen. Matt Dolan. The idea is to bring the party together sooner rather than later.

“Bernie has the best chance of uniting the different factions of the party. Which is really important in a state like Ohio where you still have some of the old-guard Kasich-style Republicans, but a very powerful sort of Trump wing, too,” Vance said.

Daines said right now he believes all the state’s candidates could win a general election. Thune has also met with Moreno, as well as LaRose.

Yet Senate Republicans are flexing their muscles farther afield.

After Lake launched her bid, Arizona Republicans began plotting whether or not they could convince her primary rival Mark Lamb to instead consider running against a rabble-rousing first-term representative who helped depose ex-Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.), according to two people familiar with the conversations.

That would pit Lamb, the Pinal County Sheriff, against Rep. Eli Crane (R-Ariz.) and eliminate any primary for Lake. The goal is to shift the GOP’s focus fully to the general election. Lamb hasn’t bowed out yet, and his campaign did not respond to a request for comment.

Asked about the maneuvering, Daines said: “That primary will sort itself out. Kari Lake’s in a very strong position in Arizona.”

The NRSC chair has got work to do elsewhere, too. In Wisconsin, Daines appeared to jump out in front of a recruit’s launch when he announced that Eric Hovde, the NRSC’s preferred candidate, would soon enter the Senate race. That move was a thinly veiled warning to Republican Scott Mayer, another self-funder who could run against Hovde. David Clarke, a controversial ex-sheriff, is also toying with a run and leads the field in some public polling.

In Michigan, Sandy Pensler, a wealthy businessperson, jumped into a chaotic GOP primary for an open Senate seat, a race that already includes former Detroit Police Chief James Craig and former Reps. Peter Meijer and Mike Rogers. Adding to the concern on the GOP side: Democrats are coalescing around Rep. Elissa Slotkin (D-Mich.).

“We tend to feed on our own, unfortunately,” said Rep. Bill Huizenga (R-Mich.)

The NRSC endorsed Rogers and urged Meijer not to run for Senate, creating a public spat with the former member. Rep. Tim Walberg (R-Mich.) tried to convince Meijer to run for his old House seat after he lost a primary to a Trump-aligned candidate in 2022. Democrats picked up the seat.

Walberg endorsed Rogers and said Meijer’s Senate candidacy could create that dynamic again in 2024: “It’s always a real risk.”

Even a guaranteed pick-up is not without controversy. An establishment-aligned outside group is now running ads in favor of NRSC-backed West Virginia Gov. Jim Justice, who is facing conservative Rep. Alex Mooney (R-W.Va.). Justice was recruited as a strong general election candidate — but now that Manchin is retiring, conservatives are questioning the strategy.

“I don’t know one person in or out of the party who thinks that seat in West Virginia is going to go Democratic,” said Mooney supporter Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah), questioning why the party would spend money to elevate Justice. “I don’t understand why it makes sense to do that.”

With a border deal hanging in the balance and the Iowa caucuses a month away, Donald Trump amplified his attack on immigrants at a rally in New Hampshire on Saturday.

“They’re poisoning the blood of our country,” the former president said. “They’ve poisoned mental institutions and prisons all over the world. Not just in South America, not just the three or four countries that we think about, but all over the world they’re coming into our country from Africa, from Asia.”

While in the White House, Trump sought to deter immigration by building a wall on the U.S.-Mexico border, building some 450 miles of fencing along the nearly 2,000-mile border, much of which replaced existing barriers. In addition to strict border security measures, his administration also implemented a travel ban for people from several predominantly Muslim countries.

If reelected, Trump has pledged to finish the border wall, reinstitute travel bans and launch mass deportation efforts. He has also pledged to end birthright citizenship for those born to immigrants living in the country illegally.

Sens. Kyrsten Sinema (I-Ariz.), Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) and James Lankford (R-Okla.) met with administration officials, including Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas, on Saturday as they sought to forge a compromise on border security that could also unlock aid to Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan.

But Trump was undeterred in his attack on immigrants Saturday.

“All over the world, they’re pouring into our country. Nobody is even looking at them, they just come in and the crime is going to be tremendous, the terrorism is going to be,” Trump said.