Gallery owner Georges Bergès told the House Oversight Committee on Tuesday that Hunter Biden knows the identities of the individuals “who purchased roughly 70% of the value of his art,” according to Oversight Republicans.

But that percent, a person familiar with the meeting cautioned, represents approximately three of the 10 buyers who purchased Hunter Biden artwork. Bergès, the individual added, told the committee he did not disclose the identity of any of the buyers to the president’s son, and did not say during the interview that Hunter Biden knew the identity before the sales.

Instead, the individual said, Bergès indicated Hunter Biden knew the identity of one buyer through public reporting and a second because he saw the artwork at the individual’s house. Bergès also confirmed entertainment lawyer Kevin Morris, who has reportedly lent the president’s son a significant amount of money, purchased Hunter Biden’s art for $875,000, according to committee Republicans.

During his meeting with lawmakers, Bergès also said he had no contact with the White House about Hunter Biden’s artwork, according to Republicans and the person familiar with the interview.

That disclosure could raise new questions regarding past reports by The Washington Post and others that White House officials helped craft the ethics agreement around Hunter Biden’s art work, which has drawn criticism from a former Obama ethics chief who argued it lacked transparency and urged Hunter Biden to cancel any sales.

But then-White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki told reporters in August 2021 that “we have spoken extensively to the arrangements, which are not White House arrangements; they’re arrangements between Hunter Biden’s representatives and ones that we, certainly, were made aware of.”

Bergès spoke with committee members and staff behind closed doors after Oversight Chair James Comer (R-Ky.) subpoenaed him for a deposition late last year, as Republicans make Hunter Biden’s business arrangements a key part of their impeachment effort against President Joe Biden.

Republicans have not yet found clear evidence directly linking decisions made by Joe Biden as president or vice president to his son’s business deals. Bergès, according to Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-Md.), “stated he had no evidence of wrongdoing by President Biden.”

In addition to Bergès, House Republicans issued a subpoena last year to speak with Elizabeth Naftali, who bought Hunter Biden artwork.

An attorney for Naftali, in a letter to Comer last year, said that she purchased work by the president’s son “solely because she liked the art, and the prices were reasonable” adding that “never at any time did she have direct or indirect contact with anyone at the White House regarding any art purchased.”

Senate Republicans tangled on Tuesday over how far to push their border security priorities, with conservatives raising the idea of conditioning money for Ukraine on the United States meeting certain border security metrics, according to attendees of a conference lunch.

Negotiations linking immigration restrictions and foreign aid are mostly focused on policy changes that can earn bipartisan support, rather than restricting additional cash to Ukraine until the federal government meets certain migration metrics. The idea was rejected in those talks because a significant number of Republicans do not support that proposal, which could make it more difficult to get money to Ukraine in a timely fashion.

“I’ve been pushing for some forcing mechanism, though, like making Ukraine funding contingent on actually securing the border. That apparently was rejected,” said Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.) after the meeting. “It would have had a lot of support in our conference.”

Oklahoma Sen. James Lankford, the lead Republican in those negotiations, argued adding that provision would cost GOP votes and divide the conference. He said it was not Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell’s idea to shelve the proposal, according to an attendee and a person briefed on the meeting.

Still, in the interview afterward, Johnson said McConnell had “apparently” rejected his idea and “made that decision for all of us.” Other conservative senators, including Sen. Rick Scott (R-Fla.), support that proposal.

How to enforce new border restrictions is one of the major sticking points in the negotiations and Republicans are divided over how far to go to get a deal with Democrats. Some conservatives will almost certainly oppose any agreement, arguing it wouldn’t go far enough to stop migrants from crossing the border. And Democrats are resisting changes to presidential parole authority, arguing it’s a crucial tool for the administration to manage the flow of migrants at the southern border.

Johnson said Republicans are also discussing a provision that would shut down the border when daily crossings exceed a certain number, though he questioned how enforceable such a policy would be. He said that making Ukraine’s money contingent on border crossing metrics is “about as good as we can do.”

“If you can get that. I mean, I’ll not only vote for it, I’ll promote the bill. I’m somewhat skeptical on Ukraine funding but sure, I want to support the freedom-loving people of Ukraine. I’d pay $60 billion to secure the border,” Johnson added.

Lankford and McConnell are trying to figure out what sort of compromise can draw not only significant Senate GOP votes but also support from House Republicans. As Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.) put it: “It doesn’t have to satisfy Ron Johnson, but it has to satisfy more Republicans.” He said he hoped 20 or 30 Senate Republicans will be able to endorse a deal.

Republicans say they won’t provide Ukraine with more funding without strict new border and immigration restrictions. That position created months of discussions led by Lankford and Sens. Kyrsten Sinema (I-Ariz.) and Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.)

Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer told reporters Tuesday he’s been in contact with Murphy, Sinema and the administration as much as “five, six, seven times a day.” Murphy spoke alongside Schumer at Senate Democrats’ weekly press conference, telling reporters he briefed his colleagues on the “basics” of where negotiations stand.

But while Murphy and his fellow negotiators have largely shied away from detailing individual policy area disagreements in border talks, he specifically addressed presidential parole authority, which remains a major point of friction.

“We are not interested in taking away from the administration tools they use today to help better manage the border,” Murphy said. “And so when we talk about this topic of parole, it is very important to understand that it is used today as a way that the administration is able to better manage the flow” of migrants.

Murphy did not forecast an immediate resolution to hold ups — but said “we are where we are” and that negotiators are “trying our best to get an agreement that gives the administration new tools to be able to better manage the border while living up to basic fundamental American values.”

Anthony Adragna contributed to this report.

The Senate axed a planned procedural vote on the nomination of José Javier Rodríguez, a former member of the Florida state Senate, for a senior Labor Department position.

It’s not the first time Rodríguez has seen trouble. His nomination previously failed to clear a procedural vote in late November by a 44-51 vote on the floor. All Republicans voted against him, in addition to Democratic Sens. Joe Manchin (W.Va.) and Bob Menendez (N.J.). There were also several Democratic absences.

A spokesperson for Majority Leader Chuck Schumer did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Twelve senators missed the first vote of the week on Monday evening.

Sen. Bob Menendez addressed the multiple indictments against him in a Tuesday floor speech, claiming the government has conspired against him to poison public opinion and a potential jury pool.

Menendez (D-N.J.) has maintained his innocence in all of the indictments against him, the latest of which alleges he acted as a foreign agent on behalf of Qatar. While the majority of the Senate Democratic Caucus has called on Menendez to step down, he has refused and instead left the door open to a reelection bid.

“Why did the government not proceed with all of these accusations from the beginning? The answer is clear to me,” Menendez said. “By filing three indictments — one in late September, a second one a few weeks later in mid-October and a third one last week in early January — it allows the government to keep the sensational story in the press and seeks to convict me in the court of public opinion.”

Menendez also forecasted his case will go to trial, saying there is “no evidence of the giving or receiving of cash or gold bars” and that there will “be at trial a full explanation of what is the truth about those issues.”

The New Jersey Democrat claimed proving his innocence is a matter of precedent-setting in the Senate, noting the allegations against him have “never ever been levied against a sitting members of Congress — never — and for good reason.”

“It opens a dangerous door for the Justice Department to take the normal engagement of members of Congress with a foreign government and to transform those engagements into a charge of being a foreign agent,” Menendez said.

While Menendez has been politically shirked by many of his colleagues, he has continued to weigh in on certain policy subjects, including the latest border negotiations. He has not giving any timing for when he will decide whether or not to run for reelection. Multiple primary challengers have already come out against him, including Rep. Andy Kim and New Jersey first lady Tammy Murphy.

“I’m innocent and I intend to prove my innocence,” Menendez said.

Senate Minority Whip John Thune said Congress may need a continuing resolution into March to keep the government open as lawmakers negotiate longer-term spending legislation.

Thune, the chamber’s number two Republican, called it “unrealistic” to think lawmakers could complete their work by Jan. 19 on the first series of four government funding measures or the Feb. 2 deadline for the rest.

“We ought to allow some time to do some work on the other bills,” Thune told reporters. “The idea that we’re going to get those [initial bills] done in next week or even for that matter by Feb. 2 — which is the second tranche of the second eight bills — I think it’s unrealistic.”

The South Dakota Republican urged his colleagues in the House not to embrace calls to shut down the government.

“We’ve never seen any political or policy advantage or gain come out of a government shutdown, so I’m hoping that we can do everything to avoid that,” he said.

Rep. Greg Pence (R-Ind.), the brother of former Vice President Mike Pence, announced Tuesday he would not seek a fourth term in office.

“As a former Marine Officer, I approached the job with purpose,” he said in a statement posted to X, formerly known as Twitter. “After three terms, I’ve made the decision to not file for reelection.”

Pence’s announcement is the latest in a series of recent House retirements. His southeast Indiana district is heavily Republican and will likely stay in GOP hands.

On the first day of 2024 with both chambers in session, leaders will convene meetings where they’ll hear feedback from rank-and-file members about ongoing talks to fund the government and change border policy.

Government funding: The House is back in Washington for the first time in nearly a month Tuesday night. Expect Speaker Mike Johnson to get an earful from conservatives frustrated with the $1.7 trillion funding accord he struck with Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer over the weekend. “I think there’s going to be some real conversation this week about what we need to do going forward,” said Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas) on CNN Monday night, adding trying to oust the speaker is “not the road I prefer.”

Border security: Oklahoma Sen. James Lankford, the lead Republican negotiator on border security, indicated Monday evening a deal was unlikely this week as thorny details continue to bedevil talks. Look for Democrats to get the latest from Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) at their weekly conference lunch on Tuesday, while Republicans have called their own meeting on the negotiations on Wednesday.

One more thing: Congressional leaders have largely avoided comment on the hospitalization of Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin — and lack of notification for days to the White House, press and lawmakers. We’d expect both Schumer and Minority Leader Mitch McConnell to get a question about Austin at their weekly press conferences.

There’s no doubt Speaker Mike Johnson has a rough road ahead in 2024. He’s got two shutdown deadlines, fraught border negotiations and building pressure to impeach President Joe Biden.

In the midst of all that, he’s got an incredibly thin majority and he has to keep his right flank happy — never an easy task in split government. He’s been speaker for about two and a half months, and in that time we’ve learned a few things about him that will affect the legislative pileup:

1. He doesn’t have a McCarthy-style inner circle.

Unlike his predecessor, Johnson isn’t surrounded by his closest friends acting as informal advisers. That has pros and cons: Those members helped Kevin McCarthy navigate the historically thin majority, but it further fueled distrust within GOP leadership.

Johnson leans on members of House leadership far more, a welcome change for some Republicans who appreciate the top-down communication style. He does have some allies and mentors that he trusts for advice at various times, including Budget Chair Jodey Arrington (R-Texas), retiring Rep. Drew Ferguson (R-Ga.), and Rep. Lloyd Smucker (R-Pa.) as well as Judiciary Chair Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) and Energy and Commerce Chair Cathy McMorris Rodgers (R-Wash.), according to a Republican close to Johnson.

At this point, Johnson doesn’t appear to have the deep support McCarthy had that allowed him to persevere through 15 ballots. While McCarthy’s strategy obviously had its problems, Johnson will need some sort of loyal backing if he wants to successfully navigate tricky political terrain.

His press strategy critically differs from McCarthy, too. As a rank-and-file member, Johnson was extremely accessible to reporters. As speaker, he’s been far more reserved — avoiding hallway questions and finding roundabout ways to get onto the House floor to avoid reporters. It’s fueled a perception that Johnson is weary of answering questions, whereas McCarthy often dealt with journalists head on. However, Johnson has rejoined the weekly leadership pressers that McCarthy opted to skip.

2. He can’t keep punting.

Some Republicans have criticized Johnson over his willingness to punt on polarizing issues rather than call a tough play. And they don’t have a lot of patience left.

That approach was most on display during the spy powers fight last month, when Johnson tried to have members duke it out on the floor to decide which FISA bill would move forward rather than make the decision himself. That backfired: He was forced to withdraw the legislation and both conservatives and centrists complained that it was his job to pick which bill was better.

But conservatives weren’t happy with the results of Johnson wading into the toplines spending deal either. Congressional leaders announced Sunday they had an agreement on overall funding levels — which are effectively the same numbers included in the debt ceiling deal former Speaker Kevin McCarthy had negotiated — prompting swift backlash from the right flank.

That highlights another problem conservatives have with Johnson (and most speakers, at one point or another): They feel he’s too willing to make deals with Democrats. It didn’t help Johnson that Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer was doing a victory lap earlier today, bragging that not a “nickel” was cut.

All that means Johnson is a little boxed in. Conservatives will criticize any deal he reaches with Democrats, something he has to do in split government. But his conference broadly argues he can no longer try to lead from behind. Republicans want him to demonstrate — through spending, the border and impeachment — that he can pick a side when he has to, and stick to it.

3.  He’s approaching politically volatile issues, like the border, very carefully.

While Johnson has repeatedly demanded more border security and made it a central issue for the party for the November election, he’s shown that he won’t stick his neck out on it as far as some lawmakers want — at least not yet.

He’ll call for conservative border priorities, but he’s purposely stopped short of threatening a shutdown over it, the type of hardball tactics that some conservatives are demanding. At the same time, Johnson hasn’t taken part in the bipartisan Senate negotiations, despite explicit calls from the Biden administration for him to do so. So far, it seems like he’s waiting to weigh in further until those negotiators announce a deal.

That’s far from certain, which may be a part of Johnson’s calculus. But if they do, the speaker may face pointed questions from his conference if he doesn’t push hard enough for their conservative H.R. 2 bill, which is considered a non-starter in the Senate.

Congressional appropriators are sprinting to turn two big funding totals into 12, after party leaders secured a deal on a government funding framework over the weekend.

For weeks, Speaker Mike Johnson and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer’s staff have haggled over budget totals for the military and domestic programs — only to wind up with the same funding limits set by last summer’s bipartisan debt agreement.

Now leading appropriators, largely sidelined in past weeks, are back in the mix. Their task is negotiating how to split up those overall budget totals across a dozen spending bills for the fiscal year that’s already in full swing. Lawmakers are exceedingly low on time to figure out those numbers and resolve their vast policy differences across the slate of fiscal 2024 spending measures before part of the government runs out of cash on Jan. 19.

At the same time, Senate negotiators are racing to finalize a border security deal that would also deliver emergency aid to Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan, further complicating the timeline.

As a result, there’s a growing sense inside the Capitol that another funding patch will be needed to buy more time for a broader government funding bargain — even though Johnson has vowed no more short-term funding extensions.

“I hate to start talking short-term this early in the process,” Senate Majority Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) said of another extension. “We know from history, it’s possible.”

Senate Minority Whip John Thune (R-S.D.) agreed that a spending patch is a possibility, “between the House and the Senate and how much time we have to work with and few other things we have to get done along the way.”

Federal funding for the departments of Agriculture, Transportation, Energy, Veterans Affairs and more expires on Jan. 19. Funding for the rest of the government, including the biggest domestic programs and the Pentagon, runs out on Feb. 2.

On the floor earlier Monday afternoon, Schumer said the deal clinched over the weekend on a funding framework is “a huge step toward avoiding a government shutdown,” but he warned that “producing 12 appropriations bills will not be easy.”

Such a feat will require agreement from the top four appropriators in Congress and “a lot more compromise between the parties,” he said. Schumer vowed Democrats will not agree to any controversial GOP policy add-ons.

To meet the first government shutdown deadline on Jan. 19, it’s likely the first tranche of four bills needs to be negotiated and written by the end of this week. That’s because it typically takes Congress’ nonpartisan budget scorekeeper four to five days to analyze the text. And unless leaders buck the rules, lawmakers are supposed to get 72 hours to peruse the bill text before voting.

Burgess Everett and Ursula Perano contributed to this report.