Tag

Featured

Browsing

One Nation, a top conservative group, is pushing a new ad against Sen. Jacky Rosen (D-Nev.) as it gears up for a campaign running through Labor Day against the Democratic incumbent.

The advertisement, part of a nearly $6 million buy, implores Rosen to “vote against reckless spending and for struggling Nevada families,” citing her votes for the infrastructure law and the Democratic social spending package.

Rosen faces GOP nominee — and Army veteran — Sam Brown in a competitive reelection bid in her swing state. Brown won his bid to take on the incumbent a week ago.

Outside money is flowing into the Silver State. Senate Majority PAC, Democrats’ largest outside group, placed $36 million in ad buys earlier this year to support Rosen.

The incumbent, a first-term senator from the Las Vegas suburb of Henderson, reported having more than $10 million in campaign cash on hand as of late May, compared with $2.5 million for Brown.

LOUISA, Virginia — No matter who wins Tuesday’s GOP primary battle between the leader of the conservative Freedom Caucus Rep. Bob Good and Virginia state Sen. John McGuire, the results will reverberate among House Republicans.

If Good goes down, he would be the first sitting chair in the influential group’s nearly decade-long history to be defeated — a loss that would embolden critics of the increasingly fractious bloc.

But if he wins, he’ll have done it despite strong opposition from former (and possibly future) President Donald Trump and only mild backing from Republican leaders, including House Speaker Mike Johnson — signaling friction ahead. “Mike Johnson has done nothing to help me in my race,” Good said in a Friday interview after campaigning outside the Louisa County courthouse.

McGuire boasts the backing of more than a half-dozen high-profile colleagues of Good’s in the House GOP. And after telling supporters outside the courthouse on Friday that McGuire and his backers misled Trump to win the former president’s support, Good said in an interview: “There’s people in the [former] president’s ear who have their own agenda, and they’re dishonest, and they’ve lied to him about me.”

He wouldn’t elaborate on the nature of those alleged lies beyond claiming he’s consistently supported Trump since 2016; Trump has made clear that Good’s early backing of Gov. Ron DeSantis (R-Fla.) in the presidential primary helped prompt his endorsement of McGuire.

Rep. Eli Crane (R-Ariz.), a Freedom Caucus member who’s backing Good, said that if Good’s opponents are “able to take out the chairman of the House Freedom Caucus, it will send a definite message to other conservatives that want [to] challenge the status quo and make big moves.”

But if Good survives McGuire’s challenge, his allies predict he’ll emerge from the fight even more emboldened. Good may even have time to exact revenge should McGuire win the primary — there’s still a lot of legislating left to do this Congress and a lot of opportunities for him to cause trouble for the party’s fractured two-vote House majority.

In the run-up to primary day, the district was blanketed by competing Good vs. McGuire events. More than two dozen Hill GOP staffers led by Rep. William Timmons (R-S.C.) chartered a bus from Washington on Saturday to meet with and campaign for McGuire, a former Navy SEAL.

It was an unorthodox move by Timmons, but a clear revenge play. Good had backed the primary challenger Timmons defeated just a few days prior, so the South Carolina lawmaker decided to personally tell Virginia voters about their representative’s polarizing reputation within his party.

Among quite a few GOP colleagues, Good is nicknamed “Bob Bad” for what they call his abrasive criticism of fellow Republicans, and the blowback he’s received lately is a testament to the number of colleagues who consider themselves enemies. Former Speaker Kevin McCarthy — whom Good voted to oust last fall — and Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) are among the Republican players backing McGuire.

The most talked-about McGuire endorser, of course, is the presumptive Republican presidential nominee. Trump’s campaign sent a cease-and-desist letter last month seeking to block Good’s campaign from putting the two men’s names together on signs. But the Good team kept using and touting signs with Trump’s name — to criticism from McGuire, who said in an interview that Good is trying to “trick people.”

Asked about the flap over his Trump-themed signs, Good replied: “I’m not talking about stupid topics. That’s a stupid topic.”

He may be onto something among his local base. Three Good supporters at his event, including Louisa Mayor Garland Nuckols, lauded the incumbent’s willingness to fight for conservative principles and largely shrugged off the attacks on Good from the former president they support. Good’s supporters in the district include a strong contingent of local elected officials in the district McGuire represents in the state Senate.

A group of 24 Virginia GOP leaders led by Rick Buchanan, chair of the 5th District Republican Congressional Committee, have “strongly urged” Trump to reconsider his backing of McGuire over Good.

McGuire countered that some of those Good endorsements are retribution from state officials he hadn’t supported during their own contested races.

“I have focused more on getting the people to endorse me,” McGuire said in a Saturday interview. “Like Trump — he goes for the common man.”

The list of recriminations between the two Republican campaigns gets longer still: Good supporters ding McGuire for declining to debate and accuse him of being a ladder-climber who jumped quickly from his state Senate seat to challenging Good.

McGuire, who ran for a House seat in 2020 against Rep. Abigail Spanberger (D-Va.) before dropping out, said he was encouraged to take on Good while on the campaign trail for state Senate.

“The whole time I’m campaigning, people are like this,” McGuire said, pulling on his own shirt sleeve for effect. “‘I know you are running for state Senate, but you are the only guy who [can] beat that guy. He’s a tyrant. He’s really mean.”

The race for the south central Virginia district has drawn a whopping $14.5 million in ad spending, mostly from super PACs. That includes some tied to allies of McCarthy, who went after Good as part of a nationwide vengeance push against the fellow Republicans who voted to end his speakership.

Good’s allies have spent roughly $5.4 million, while pro-McGuire forces have spent $7.5 million, according to data from the media tracking firm AdImpact. McGuire’s campaign has spent nearly $1.5 million on ads, while Good has spent only a few thousand dollars on radio spots.

McGuire has tried to leverage his big advantage on TV to stress his Trump endorsement in a district that the former president won by more than 8 points in 2020. It is also mentioned often on his campaign materials, including T-shirts and signs.

And while Good is trying to portray the race as the establishment “swamp” attacking a conservative who fought it, he’s also avoided acknowledging his own role in his current predicament — specifically, his repeated willingness to do the exact sort of Republican-versus-Republican campaigning that he’s criticizing his own colleagues for.

Good has also sought to portray any attacks on him as attacks on the Freedom Caucus and its policies.

Members like Timmons disagree. To them, it’s personal.

“It is not because I don’t agree with Bob Good on policies,” Timmons said last week, ahead of his door-knocking trip to Good’s district. “It is because of his tactics. Such a critical part of this job is earning your colleagues’ respect and their trust. And he is a bad advocate because of his tactics, not because of his policies.”

Ally Mutnick contributed to this report.

SEATTLE — Former Rep. George Nethercutt, who was a Spokane lawyer with little political experience when he ousted Democratic Speaker of the House Tom Foley as part of a stunning GOP wave that shifted national politics to the right in 1994, has died. He was 79.

Nethercutt died Friday near Denver of progressive supranuclear palsy, a rare, neurodegenerative brain disease, his son said in an email Monday.

“He lived a life based in faith, family, community, and service, never sacrificing his principles as a statesman,” Elliott Nethercutt wrote.

The 1994 midterm elections, which came halfway through President Bill Clinton’s first term, were a resounding victory for Republicans, who won control of both houses of Congress for the first time since the early 1950s.

Nethercutt was the chairman of the Spokane County Republican Party and had served in the 1970s as chief of staff to Alaska Sen. Ted Stevens but had not run for office before challenging Foley.

Foley had represented the district for 30 years — the last five as speaker of the House. Nethercutt’s campaign ads focused on Foley’s opposition to term limits and pointed out that Foley had been in office since “Bonanza” was the top show on television.

Foley was the first speaker to lose a reelection bid since 1860.

Nethercutt joined other 1994 GOP candidates in signing the Contract With America, a list of conservative priorities promoted by Rep. Newt Gingrich and others. Among those priorities was adopting term limits; Nethercutt said he’d serve no more than three terms but broke that promise and served five before he gave up the seat to make an unsuccessful run against Democratic Sen. Patty Murray in 2004.

“George Nethercutt was a giant amongst men who served the people of Eastern Washington with honor and patriotism for a decade,” Republican Rep. Cathy McMorris Rodgers, who now holds Nethercutt’s former seat, said in a Facebook post. “George was a man of character who led with kindness and conviction, and he was a person I proudly looked up to long before the day I was sworn in to represent the Fifth District we shared such a love for.”

Among his priorities in office were finding new international markets for farm products from eastern Washington, securing federal money for Fairchild Air Force Base, and supporting research grants to Washington State University.

Like many other Republicans elected in the 1994 wave, he had a conservative voting record and supported impeaching Clinton for lying about his affair with Monica Lewinsky.

He became a lobbyist following his tenure in Congress and worked with his George Nethercutt Foundation, which advanced civics education through scholarships, competitions and educational trips to Washington.

Nethercutt attended memorial services for Foley when he died in 2013, and two years ago, he joined the advisory board of Washington State University’s Thomas S. Foley Institute for Public Policy and Public Service.

He also established a fund at the university to create the George Nethercutt Endowed Lecture Series on Civic Engagement.

“Since 2008, my foundation has promoted civic education among students, so they are prepared to engage with our democratic system — a system that depends on the participation of informed citizens, open dialogue, and compromise to function properly,” Nethercutt said at the time.

Nethercutt was born in Spokane in 1944 and graduated from Washington State University before graduating from Gonzaga University School of Law in 1971. As a law school student, he briefly clerked for Foley’s father, Ralph Foley, who was a Spokane County Superior Court judge.

Nethercutt is survived by his wife, Mary Beth Nethercutt, whom he married in 1977; two children, Meredith Nethercutt Krisher and Elliott Nethercutt; sister Nancy Nethercutt Gustafson; brother John Irving Nethercutt; and granddaughter Holly Beth Krisher.

The bruising primary for Virginia’s 5th Congressional District is finally coming to an end on Tuesday.

But one month before that, House Freedom Caucus Chair Rep. Bob Good (R-Va.) and his GOP rival John McGuire found themselves face-to-face in New York with the former president himself.

Both men had traveled to the Big Apple on May 16 to support Trump in his criminal trial. Once they were close to Trump, they used their access to try to curry favor with the presumptive presidential nominee — who at that point had yet to endorse in the primary.

Here’s how it went down, according to five people present in the room, including some who spoke on condition of anonymity: When Trump mentioned a debate with Joe Biden, Good seized an opportunity to needle McGuire for declining to debate him. Good told Trump that he knows the feeling of an opponent who would not debate.

“It kind of sucked all the air out of the room, because McGuire was on the other side of the table and it was just super-awkward,” recalled Rep. Eli Crane (R-Ariz.), a Freedom Caucus member who is backing Good.

Crane, who called McGuire “weak” for not debating, also remembered the Virginia state senator shooting back in front of Trump that Good would “rig it.” Good quickly asked how one would rig a debate.

McGuire then openly questioned why he should debate Good when his internal polling shows him up 14 points over the incumbent. Good shot back that his internal survey showed him up 25 points, according to two of the five people present in the room. Others in the room more generally recalled a back-and-forth about polling, including the two men talking over one another.

Trump cut through the lingering tension, according to two people in the room, where he spent most of his time complaining that his criminal trial was unfair and rigged.

Here’s where Trump telegraphed the McGuire endorsement he later offered. Trump ribbed Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.) and Good, the two people in the room who initially endorsed his primary challengers in the 2024 presidential race.

As four people in the room recalled, Trump asked about Norman’s endorsement of Nikki Haley, South Carolina’s former governor. Some Republican lawmakers present responded: “Nikki who?” Norman said he acknowledged to Trump that she’d lost in the race.

Then Trump turned to Good, as confirmed by Crane and Norman, and asked how his endorsement of “Ron DeSanctimonious” (read: Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis) was working out.

Crucially, Norman painted the entire exchange as more lighthearted than the Good-McGuire animosity might suggest.

“Everything was pretty quick. And it was really — Trump was laughing about it,” Norman said, adding: “The back and forth with Good really just wasn’t that much.”

Trump endorsed McGuire less than two weeks later. The Trump campaign did not immediately return a request for comment on the May 16 back-and-forth.

Rep. Matt Gaetz claimed Monday the House Ethics Committee has opened “new” investigations into him, which he called “frivolous.”

Earlier this year, the Ethics panel subpoenaed the Justice Department for information tied to an existing investigation into the Florida Republican by the committee. That probe began in 2021 and was examining allegations including sexual misconduct and illicit drug use.

Gaetz has maintained his innocence through multiple ethics inquiries and alleges the panel is using investigations against him as retribution for spearheading the ouster of former Speaker Kevin McCarthy last fall.

“This is Soviet,” Gaetz posted on social media Monday.

The Justice Department closed its long-running sex trafficking investigation into Gaetz and declined to charge him back in early 2023. Gaetz was admonished in 2020 for a threatening 2019 tweet directed at Michael Cohen, then-President Donald Trump’s former lawyer, but the situation “did not violate witness tampering and obstruction of Congress laws,” according to the panel’s report at the time.

The Ethics Committee, which is evenly divided between Republicans and Democrats, did not immediately respond to a request for comment on Gaetz’s disclosure.

Speaker Mike Johnson’s meeting with former President Donald Trump on Monday ended with a thumbs up and a photo op — the latest sign of bonhomie between the party’s top leaders.

“Our Party is united, and working together, I am confident we will send President Trump back to the White House, win back the Senate, and grow our House Republican majority!” Johnson wrote on social media.

Johnson and his party’s House campaign chief, Rep. Richard Hudson (R-N.C.), met with Trump at his Mar-a-Lago estate to discuss the party’s election strategy.

Trump has already played kingmaker in many GOP contests this year. But this sit-down — the speaker’s second meeting with the president in a week — shows party leaders are working toward further collaboration as November approaches.

Just last week, Trump told a crowd of House Republicans he would devote his own time to keeping their majority in November. While Republicans are optimistic about flipping the Senate and hopeful about winning the White House, the battle for the House is expected to be a tough climb. Trump, though, vowed to do 100 virtual town halls with GOP members ahead of the election.

House Democrats, meanwhile, mocked the Republican leaders’ Florida visit, with their campaign arm accusing Johnson and Hudson of attending to “bend their knee” to Trump.

“Vulnerable House Republicans are so obsessed with their wannabe dictator that they are going to Mar-a-Lago to get tips from him on how to remind voters that they’re to blame for ripping away reproductive freedom and overturning nearly 50 years of fundamental rights under Roe. Voters will remember come November,” DCCC spokesperson Viet Shelton said in a statement.

Senate Democrats intend to seek unanimous consent for legislation banning bump stocks — which allow semi-automatic rifles to be fired like fully automatic machine guns — following last week’s Supreme Court decision to overturn a ban on them.

“Republicans were supportive of banning bump stocks when the Trump Administration took this step, so they should support it” on Tuesday, said Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer.

Sen. Martin Heinrich (D-N.M.) has led the charge against bump stocks, which were used in the nation’s deadliest mass shooting in Las Vegas in 2017 that killed 60.

In a 6-3 decision last week split along ideological lines, the court said the definition federal regulators sought to adopt went beyond the words Congress wrote into law nearly nine decades ago.

The FBI has abruptly canceled two large Hill briefings on encryption slated for this week, offering no explanation to the staffers invited, according to emails reviewed by POLITICO.

Last week, the FBI invited congressional staff to two virtual briefings on “warrant-proof encryption,” slated for June 18 and June 20. Briefers would have discussed how encryption created challenges for the FBI’s work investigating “violent crimes against children and transnational organized crime,” according to the invitation.

The briefings were the second in a series for all Hill staff on FBI “priority topics,” according to a copy of the invitation POLITICO reviewed. The first briefing in the series, held last month, focused on fentanyl.

The FBI’s Office of Congressional Affairs offered no details as it announced that the encryption event was indefinitely delayed.

“Regrettably, due to circumstances outside of the FBI’s control, the briefings on the FBI’s Efforts on Warrant-Proof Encryption which were originally scheduled for June 18th and June 20th, have been unexpectedly postponed,” the email reads, adding that the bureau plans to reschedule the event.

“The FBI sees tremendous value in informing Congress on various issues and especially recognizes the importance of this particular topic,” the email continued, “so we deeply apologize for any inconvenience to those who were planning to participate.”

One Republican Hill staffer, speaking candidly on condition of anonymity, said the most likely explanation for the postponement is political pressure, given that the issue is “politically awkward” for President Joe Biden’s administration.

“Of course they canceled the briefing,” the aide said. “The last thing this administration wants is people talking about these issues in a heated election season that could revolve around exactly these issues.”

The topic of encryption is politically contentious, particularly among progressives. For years, the FBI has warned that enhanced privacy protections implemented by prominent messaging and social media platforms, like Signal, are blinding them to communications from terrorists, criminal organizations and child sex traffickers.

While the bureau has long urged tech companies to build so-called back doors so they can lawfully access encrypted communications if they get a search warrant, those calls have heated up in recent years amid the explosion in online child sexual abuse material.

But tech companies, security researchers and privacy advocates have resisted, arguing that there is no way to do so without introducing new vulnerabilities that can be exploited by state hackers or cybercriminals. They also counter that the rise of commercial data brokers and other connected devices that hoover up personal data — from cars to smart cameras — mean law enforcement agencies have more access to personal data than ever before.

A host of tech companies — Apple, most prominently — provide encrypted communication platforms.

An FBI spokesperson referred POLITICO to DOJ for comment. DOJ did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Most Republicans would be racing to include an endorsement from former President Donald Trump in their latest TV ad.

Not Larry Hogan.

Just days after being endorsed by the former president, the Maryland Senate hopeful released a new spot Monday that doesn’t name Trump at all but instead stresses his independence from the GOP. He invokes his father, Larry Hogan Sr., the first GOP congressmember on the Judiciary Committee to call for President Richard Nixon’s impeachment, and Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.), who bucked his party to save Obamacare.

“As President Kennedy said, ‘Sometimes party loyalty demands too much,’” Hogan says directly to the camera at the close of the ad.

It’s an implicit rebuke of the former president as Hogan seeks to burnish his bipartisan appeal in the deep-blue state of Maryland. And it comes in the wake of Trump endorsing Hogan, somewhat scrambling Hogan’s attempt to distance himself from his party’s leader.

“I’d like to see him win. I think he has a good chance to win, Trump told Fox News’ Aishah Hasnie during a visit to Capitol Hill. “I know other people made some strong statements, but I can just say from my standpoint, I’m about the party, and I’m about the country.”

The former Maryland governor did not seek the endorsement or know about it in advance, according to a person familiar with the campaign. And the campaign’s response to the endorsement didn’t embrace or even acknowledge it — instead saying in a statement: “Governor Hogan has been clear he is not supporting Donald Trump just as he didn’t in 2016 and 2020.”

Hogan has one of the toughest challenges of the cycle, winning a federal office as a Republican in such a blue state. He’s widely popular in Maryland and seen as essentially the only Republican who could potentially flip the Senate seat, and national Republicans are supportive of his effort to win the state without embracing Trump.

But Hogan’s campaign has found itself repeatedly thrust into Trump’s orbit in recent weeks, underscoring the difficult line he must walk. First a top Trump adviser posted on the social media platform X that Hogan “ended” his campaign because he urged Americans to respect the verdict in Trump’s criminal trial. Then Lara Trump, the co-chair of the Republican National Committee, suggested the national party would not back Hogan’s campaign, drawing outrage from GOP senators.

Hogan has been racing to the center in his battle against Democrat Angela Alsobrooks for retiring Sen. Ben Cardin’s open seat. Hogan came out in support of codifying abortion protections in Roe v. Wade in the days after winning the GOP nomination and said he would not back Trump for president. Democrats have attempted to nationalize the race, making clear that Hogan would caucus with Republicans in the Senate no matter how independent he claims to be.

Hogan’s campaign has watched the Trump-focused headlines about the former governor from afar. His team has not heard directly from Trump’s campaign or the RNC, according to the person familiar with campaign communications.

A member of the House Freedom Caucus is taking an unprecedented step to endorse the primary challenger fighting to unseat the ultra conservative group’s chair.

Rep. Warren Davidson (R-Ohio) is endorsing John McGuire, a state senator who is in a highly watched race against Rep. Bob Good (R-Va.), McGuire’s campaign first shared with POLITICO.

“I love this country with a soldier’s passion. I’ve served in Congress since 2016, and we need reinforcements to help Make America Great Again. I’m happy to join President Trump by supporting and endorsing John McGuire for Congress,” Davidson said in a statement, describing McGuire as conservative, effective and someone who will drain the swamp.

He added: “I look forward to serving with him in the 119th Congress to support President Trump and the America First agenda. Drain the swamp!”

Davidson’s decision is sure to send shock waves across the House GOP. But even more, his decision to back McGuire will be seen as a grand betrayal by the right-wing group that is meticulous about appearing united publicly, even amid internal divisions.

When asked this week if it would be embarrassing for the Freedom Caucus if Good lost his race, Davidson told POLITICO: “I’m sure he would be embarrassed that he lost.”

The race for Virginia’s 5th Congressional District has attracted national attention, with former President Donald Trump backing McGuire over Good — who had initially endorsed Gov. Ron DeSantis before switching to Trump when the Florida governor dropped out of the presidential primary contest. But that wasn’t enough for Trump, who has attacked Good as being bad for Virginia and a backstabber.

Good, meanwhile, argues that his critics have lied to the ex-president about his record and turned Trump against him.

As GOP colleagues within Good’s own party have stacked up against him, including some he personally tried to unseat, the Virginia rabble-rouser has heavily leaned on members of the Freedom Caucus to show their support in his race.

On Friday, three Freedom Caucus members — Reps. Chip Roy (R-Texas), Andrew Clyde (R-Ga.) and Andy Biggs (R-Ariz.) — joined Good for a campaign event in Louisa County, Virginia, where almost all touted their membership in the group.

“My question to members of the Republican Congress who aren’t in the Freedom Caucus is why?” Roy said to the crowd.

There were signs Davidson didn’t agree with Good’s leadership as the Freedom Caucus board voted to name Good as their next chair last December.

During that time, Davidson sent a letter to the group’s board informing them he intended to step down from his spot on the leadership team as he also announced his opposition to Good’s campaign for the top spot.

“I ask that we consider how to best increase our influence while preserving our power to move policy in the right direction. I strongly feel that Bob Good as Chairman will impair that objective,” Davidson wrote in the letter.

While Good was among one of the eight members who voted to remove former Speaker Kevin McCarthy from the gavel, Davidson was one of the members who spoke in favor of McCarthy during his January speakership fight.

And when it comes to Trump, allies of Good also argue there have been times in the past when Trump has attacked the Freedom Caucus over policy disagreement, but that Trump has come to see the group’s members as his biggest defenders. Still, Trump has never been so personal as to actively campaign against one of its members — let alone its leader.

Trump is slated to participate in a tele-town hall for McGuire on Monday night, POLITICO first reported.