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The Senate broadly approved a measure expanding Social Security payments to millions of certain public sector workers, sending the measure to President Joe Biden for his signature.

The vote on the Social Security Fairness Act was 76-20. It previously passed the House in an overwhelming bipartisan vote of 327-75 in November after rank-and-file lawmakers used a procedural measure, known as a discharge petition, to force a floor vote without House GOP leaders’ blessing.

“We will vote on taking up the Social Security Fairness Act to repeal flawed policies that eat away at the benefits of those who’ve worked as teachers, firefighters, postal workers, or public sector workers,” Majority Leader Chuck Schumer said ahead of the vote.

If signed into law, the measure will expand Social Security benefits to public sector workers who also collect pensions.

According to the Congressional Budget Office, the measure will cost more than $190 billion over the next decade and means the Social Security trust fund will “be exhausted roughly half a year earlier than it would be under current law.”

In Congress’ last action of the year, the Senate passed a funding patch early Saturday with more than $110 billion in disaster aid, averting a government shutdown and closing out the 118th Congress.

Final passage of the bill, which made it through the House Friday evening, caps off a tumultuous week on Capitol Hill as Speaker Mike Johnson managed the last-minute demands of President-elect Donald Trump and Elon Musk, along with the ensuing furor of congressional Democrats whose votes are needed to pass funding bills amid conservative opposition. While the speaker abandoned his initial bipartisan deal with Democrats at Trump’s and Musk’s urging, he failed to fulfill the president-elect’s demand for lifting the debt limit.

The end result is a spending patch that retains some of the initial bipartisan accord, including funding the government at current levels through March 14, more than $110 billion in disaster aid and a one-year farm bill extension of agriculture and food policy. But more than 1,000 pages of policy were ultimately nixed from the bill at Trump’s and Musk’s behest, including restrictions on U.S. investments in China, stricter rules on deceptive advertising of tickets for events and new rules for pharmacy benefit managers, aimed at lowering prescription drug prices for Americans.

Incoming Senate GOP Leader John Thune late Friday night unveiled the Republican conference’s committee assignments for next term.

A press release from Thune’s office noted the assignments “have been ratified by the Senate Republican Conference and are expected to be ratified by the full Senate early next Congress.”

One thing to note: Sen. Jerry Moran (R-Kan.) has an unusually high number of committee assignments in this list, a whopping eight. Per a person familiar with the decisions, that’s because some of his assignments are meant to save space for incoming senators who will backfill Vice President-elect J.D. Vance (R-Ohio), and Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.), should he be confirmed as Secretary of State.

Here’s who’s where:

Senate Agriculture, Nutrition and Forestry Committee

  • John Boozman (R-Ark.)
  • Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.)
  • John Hoeven (R-N.D.)
  • Joni Ernst (R-Iowa)
  • Cindy Hyde-Smith (R-Miss.)
  • Roger Marshall (R-Kan.)
  • Tommy Tuberville (R-Ala.)
  • Jim Justice (R-W.Va.)
  • Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa)
  • John Thune (R-S.D.)
  • Deb Fischer (R-Neb.)
  • Jerry Moran (R-Kan.)

Senate Appropriations Committee

  • Susan Collins (R-Maine)
  • Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.)
  • Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska)
  • Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.)
  • Jerry Moran (R-Kan.)
  • John Hoeven (R-N.D.)
  • John Boozman (R-Ark.)
  • Shelley Moore Capito (R-W.Va.)
  • John Kennedy (R-La.)
  • Cindy Hyde-Smith (R-Miss.)
  • Bill Hagerty (R-Tenn.)
  • Katie Britt (R-Ala.)
  • Markwayne Mullin (R-Okla.)
  • Deb Fischer (R-Neb.)
  • Mike Rounds (R-S.D.)

Senate Armed Services Committee

  • Roger Wicker (R-Miss.)
  • Deb Fischer (R-Neb.)
  • Tom Cotton (R-Ark.)
  • Mike Rounds (R-S.D.)
  • Joni Ernst (R-Iowa)
  • Dan Sullivan (R-Alaska)
  • Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.)
  • Rick Scott (R-Fla.)
  • Tommy Tuberville (R-Ala.)
  • Markwayne Mullin (R-Okla.)
  • Ted Budd (R-N.C.)
  • Eric Schmitt (R-Mo.)
  • Jim Banks (R-Ind.)
  • Tim Sheehy (R-Mont.)

Senate Banking Committee

  • Tim Scott (R-S.C.)
  • Mike Crapo (R-Idaho)
  • Mike Rounds (R-S.D.)
  • Thom Tillis (R-N.C.)
  • John Kennedy (R-La.)
  • Bill Hagerty (R-Tenn.)
  • Cynthia Lummis (R-Wyo.)
  • Katie Britt (R-Ala.)
  • Pete Ricketts (R-Neb.)
  • Jim Banks (R-Ind.)
  • Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.)
  • Bernie Moreno (R-Ohio)
  • Dave McCormick (R-Pa.)

Senate Commerce, Science, and Transportation Committee

  • Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas)
  • John Thune (R-S.D.)
  • Roger Wicker (R-Miss.)
  • Deb Fischer (R-Neb.)
  • Jerry Moran (R-Kan.)
  • Dan Sullivan (R-Alaska)
  • Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.)
  • Todd Young (R-Ind.)
  • Ted Budd (R-N.C.)
  • Eric Schmitt (R-Mo.)
  • John Curtis (R-Utah)
  • Bernie Moreno (R-Ohio)
  • Tim Sheehy (R-Mont.)
  • Shelley Moore Capito (R-W.Va.)
  • Cynthia Lummis (R-Wyo.)

Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee

  • Mike Lee (R-Utah)
  • John Barrasso (R-Wyo.)
  • Jim Risch (R-Idaho)
  • Steve Daines (R-Mont.)
  • Tom Cotton (R-Ark.)
  • Jim Justice (R-W.Va.)
  • Dave McCormick (R-Pa.)
  • Bill Cassidy (R-La.)
  • Cindy Hyde-Smith (R-Miss.)
  • Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska)
  • John Hoeven (R-N.D.)

Senate Environment and Public Works Committee

  • Shelley Moore Capito (R-W.Va.)
  • Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.)
  • Cynthia Lummis (R-Wyo.)
  • John Curtis (R-Utah)
  • Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.)
  • Dan Sullivan (R-Alaska)
  • Pete Ricketts (R-Neb.)
  • Roger Wicker (R-Miss.)
  • John Boozman (R-Ark.)
  • Jerry Moran (R-Kan.)

Senate Finance Committee

  • Mike Crapo (R-Idaho)
  • Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa)
  • John Cornyn (R-Texas)
  • John Thune (R-S.D.)
  • Tim Scott (R-S.C.)
  • Bill Cassidy (R-La.)
  • James Lankford (R-Okla.)
  • Steve Daines (R-Mont.)
  • Todd Young (R-Ind.)
  • John Barrasso (R-Wyo.)
  • Ron Johnson (R-Wis.)
  • Thom Tillis (R-N.C.)
  • Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.)
  • Roger Marshall (R-Kan.)

Senate Foreign Relations Committee

  • Jim Risch (R-Idaho)
  • Pete Ricketts (R-Neb.)
  • Dave McCormick (R-Pa.)
  • Steve Daines (R-Mont.)
  • Bill Hagerty (R-Tenn.)
  • John Barrasso (R-Wyo.)
  • Rand Paul (R-Ky.)
  • Ted Cruz (R-Texas)
  • Mike Lee (R-Utah)
  • Rick Scott (R-Fla.)
  • John Curtis (R-Utah)
  • John Cornyn (R-Texas)

Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee

  • Bill Cassidy (R-La.)
  • Rand Paul (R-Ky.)
  • Susan Collins (R-Maine)
  • Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska)
  • Markwayne Mullin (R-Okla.)
  • Roger Marshall (R-Kan.)
  • Tommy Tuberville (R-Ala.)
  • Tim Scott (R-S.C.)
  • Josh Hawley (R-Mo.)
  • Jim Banks (R-Ind.)
  • Mike Crapo (R-Idaho)
  • Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.)

Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee

  • Rand Paul (R-Ky.)
  • Ron Johnson (R-Wis.)
  • James Lankford (R-Okla.)
  • Rick Scott (R-Fla.)
  • Josh Hawley (R-Mo.)
  • Bernie Moreno (R-Ohio)
  • Joni Ernst (R-Iowa)
  • Tim Scott (R-S.C.)

Senate Judiciary Committee

  • Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa)
  • Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.)
  • John Cornyn (R-Texas)
  • Mike Lee (R-Utah)
  • Ted Cruz (R-Texas)
  • Josh Hawley (R-Mo.)
  • Thom Tillis (R-N.C.)
  • John Kennedy (R-La.)
  • Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.)
  • Eric Schmitt (R-Mo.)
  • Katie Britt (R-Ala.)
  • Mike Crapo (R-Idaho)

Senate Committee on Intelligence

  • Tom Cotton (R-Ark.)
  • Jim Risch (R-Idaho)
  • Susan Collins (R-Maine)
  • John Cornyn (R-Texas)
  • Jerry Moran (R-Kan.)
  • James Lankford (R-Okla.)
  • Mike Rounds (R-S.D.)
  • Todd Young (R-Ind.)
  • Marco Rubio (R-Fla.)

Senate Aging Committee

  • Rick Scott (R-Fla.)
  • Dave McCormick (R-Pa.)
  • Jim Justice (R-W.Va.)
  • Tommy Tuberville (R-Ala.)
  • Ron Johnson (R-Wis.)
  • Mike Crapo (R-Idaho)
  • Tim Scott (R-S.C.)

Senate Budget Committee

  • Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.)
  • Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa)
  • Mike Crapo (R-Idaho)
  • Ron Johnson (R-Wis.)
  • Roger Marshall (R-Kan.)
  • John Cornyn (R-Texas)
  • Mike Lee (R-Utah)
  • John Kennedy (R-La.)
  • Pete Ricketts (R-Neb.)
  • Bernie Moreno (R-Ohio)
  • Rick Scott (R-Fla.)

Senate Indian Affairs Committee

  • Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska)
  • John Hoeven (R-N.D.)
  • Steve Daines (R-Mont.)
  • Markwayne Mullin (R-Okla.)
  • Mike Rounds (R-S.D.)
  • Jerry Moran (R-Kan.)

Joint Economic Committee

  • Eric Schmitt (R-Mo.)
  • Tom Cotton (R-Ark.)
  • Ted Budd (R-N.C.)
  • Dave McCormick (R-Pa.)
  • Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.)
  • Jerry Moran (R-Kan.)

Senate Committee on Rules and Administration

  • Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.)
  • Deb Fischer (R-Neb.)
  • Ted Cruz (R-Texas)
  • Shelley Moore Capito (R-W.Va.)
  • Roger Wicker (R-Miss.)
  • Cindy Hyde-Smith (R-Miss.)
  • Bill Hagerty (R-Tenn.)
  • Katie Britt (R-Ala.)
  • John Boozman (R-Ark.)

Senate Small Business and Entrepreneurship Committee

  • Joni Ernst (R-Iowa)
  • Jim Risch (R-Idaho)
  • Rand Paul (R-Ky.)
  • Tim Scott (R-S.C.)
  • Todd Young (R-Ind.)
  • Josh Hawley (R-Mo.)
  • Ted Budd (R-N.C.)
  • John Curtis (R-Utah)
  • Jim Justice (R-W.Va.)
  • Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.)

Senate Veterans Affairs Committee

  • Jerry Moran (R-Kan.)
  • John Boozman (R-Ark.)
  • Bill Cassidy (R-La.)
  • Thom Tillis (R-N.C.)
  • Dan Sullivan (R-Alaska)
  • Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.)
  • Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.)
  • Tommy Tuberville (R-Ala.)
  • Jim Banks (R-Ind.)
  • Tim Sheehy (R-Mont.)

Senate Ethics Committee

  • James Lankford (R-Okla.)
  • Jim Risch (R-Idaho)
  • Deb Fischer (R-Neb.)

Democrats on Friday hit a major milestone, confirming more judges under President Joe Biden than Republicans did in President-elect Donald Trump’s first term. It deprives Trump of putting a bigger conservative stamp on the judiciary — and Democrats will have leverage to continue fighting next year.

Senate Democrats, despite a narrow majority, have approved 235 of Biden’s judicial picks, eclipsing the 234 judicial nominations Trump got through in his first term. Biden has now appointed a range of judges amounting to about a fourth of the overall federal judiciary.

In a move that could further dent Trump’s judicial impact even with a GOP Senate majority, Democrats are poised to put pressure on Republicans to maintain a practice that requires sign-off from a state’s two senators for lower-level spots on the federal bench.

Top Judiciary Committee Democrats who vet judicial nominations, like outgoing Chair Dick Durbin of Illinois, declined to drop the “blue slip” tradition over the past two years, despite pressure from the party — and are now urging Republicans to do the same.

Asked if he intends to maintain the practice, incoming Senate Judiciary Chair Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) responded simply: “Yes.”

That’s a boon for Democrats. Because of population size, there are more judicial slots in larger blue states like California, New York and Illinois — ones that will require two Democratic sign-offs for the Trump administration to fill. Plus, a deal that would have expanded the number of federal judgeships and given Republicans slots to fill is on the verge of getting a Biden veto.

“There are way more district judges in Democratic states than there are in Republican states,” said Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.), a senior member of the Judiciary Committee. “For us to let the district court blue slip go would create a real structural problem over the long haul, so Chairman Durbin did absolutely the right thing to hold that.”

Democrats hope filling district court slots with less conservative picks will provide a first line of defense against Trump administration policies as the party braces for the incoming president and other Republicans to enact a multitude of new policies, via executive orders and otherwise.

Court decisions could have critical implications for abortion rights, student loan forgiveness, climate change and more. While cases can rise up to appeal courts and beyond, district courts tend to have the first say on challenges to federal policies.

“Judges matter. They shape the everyday lives of Americans, preserving our freedoms and defending our liberties,” Biden said in a statement after the judge’s official Senate confirmation. “They hear cases and issue rulings on whether Americans can cast their ballots, whether workers can unionize and make a living wage for their families, and whether children can breathe clean air and drink clean water.”

Even Republicans begrudgingly acknowledge Durbin has run an efficient and aggressive operation in filling vacancies over the last four years.

Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.) is a member of the Judiciary Committee.

“Dick Durbin has sadly been very effective. He’s been very good. I wish he hadn’t been,” Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.), a member of the Judiciary Committee, said in an interview. “He’s run the committee really, really efficiently.”

Democrats largely cleared the decks: There are just 36 current federal court vacancies and 11 future ones as judges announce planned retirements. By comparison, Trump began his first term in 2017 with an astounding 112 vacancies and 15 future ones.

Biden started his term with 49 current vacancies and five future ones to consider for the federal bench.

Trump may, of course, have the most consequential last laugh at the Supreme Court. Justices Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito — both in their 70s — are on the retirement watch list. Nominating replacements for either or both of those conservative justices would offer Trump the chance to further cement a decades-long conservative mark on the court. And they’re not the only justices on the retirement watch list; progressive groups launched an unsuccessful pressure campaign following Trump’s win for liberal Justice Sonia Sotomayor to step aside, wary the 70-year-old could create another opening for Trump to tilt the court further rightward.

He already got to fill three vacancies during his first term, meaning about half the court would be his appointees if either or both justices retire.

Plus there are other large states that see a lot of openings, like Texas and Florida, where Trump will have two GOP senators to sign off on his preferred picks.

“I can’t wait for President Trump to nominate some more judges — to me that was one of his great legacies,” said Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas), a senior member of the Judiciary Committee.

Trump could have come in with a slate of additional judicial openings to fill under a bipartisan deal struck this term, but it now looks unlikely. The Senate earlier this year unanimously approved a bill to add 66 district court judgeships over the next three presidential terms, with advocates saying they wanted to clear it before the 2024 election so neither Republicans nor Democrats would know which party stood to immediately gain from it. But House Republicans waited until after the election to pass it, and Biden has indicated he plans to veto it.

But another deal on judges did make it through — Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer struck an agreement with Republicans to let four appeals court slots stay open until next year in exchange for GOP senators allowing quick consideration for a dozen district court judges.

Democrats have said they didn’t have the support for those confirmations anyway. And one of those appeals court jurists later backed out of his stated intention to retire, prompting anger from Republicans.

Despite that, half a dozen GOP senators told POLITICO they came out on top of that agreement. Sen. Eric Schmitt (R-Mo.), a Judiciary member who’s close to Trump, called it a “good deal.”

Senate Democrats are no stranger to criticism for how they’ve handled judicial openings, but Durbin noted they managed to break Trump’s record despite a narrow number advantage in the chamber.

“Two years, we’ve had a tied Senate and a tied committee, [and] we reported out almost 100 judges,” Durbin said. “Pretty good, huh? You can’t say yes, but I’ll say it for you: Pretty damn good.”

Republicans insist they’re raring to go at confirming more of Trump’s judicial picks — and they’ll take cues from Durbin as they aim to leave no slot unfilled.

“All I can say is: I hope Republicans will look at what he’s done in these last four years,” Hawley said.

OAKLAND, California — Democratic Rep. Barbara Lee said Friday she will announce in early January whether she plans to run for mayor of Oakland as the city holds a special election following the recall of its last mayor.

Lee, who leaves Congress early next year, tweeted that she is considering running — the first official confirmation that she might vie to lead the turbulent Bay Area city following months of speculation about her intentions.

“The decision to run for mayor of Oakland, a city that I have long called home, is not one I take lightly,” Lee posted. “As my time in Congress wraps up, my current priority is navigating the crisis before us in DC,” Lee said, referring to efforts to avert a government shutdown.

Lee, a national progressive icon known for being the lone member of Congress to vote against the war in Afghanistan, would immediately be the frontrunner in the race, and her candidacy could cause other progressives to clear the field.

Lee’s candidacy could create a headache for moderate activists and donors eager to put a more centrist Democrat at the helm of City Hall — an effort to repeat the political shift underway across the Bay in San Francisco, as tech-funded groups nudge the famously liberal city closer to the center.

Voters in Oakland, a city reeling from a deep budget deficit and a gun-violence epidemic, recalled former Mayor Sheng Thao in the November election, largely over their frustrations with dysfunction inside City Hall. The recall effort was bankrolled by moderate advocacy groups and wealthy tech donors who want to move the deep-blue city in a more centrist direction.

A special election to fill the seat is scheduled for April 15 and will utilize the city’s ranked-choice voting system.

Loren Taylor, a former city councilmember and moderate Democrat, is already running and would likely be Lee’s toughest competition. Meanwhile, Marshawn Lynch, a former NFL running back, has hinted he’s also considering jumping into the race, though he hasn’t made any announcements.

Earlier this year, Lee unsuccessfully ran for the U.S. Senate, handedly losing the primary to fellow Democrat Adam Schiff. In that contest, Lee struggled to raise the millions of dollars needed to mount a statewide campaign and struggled to appeal to voters outside her progressive base.

But those weak spots could be far less of a hurdle for Lee if she runs for mayor in Oakland, where she’s a household name and more closely aligned with voters’ liberal politics on issues like the war in Gaza and police accountability.

Lee had previously expressed interested in serving as Housing and Urban Development secretary in a Kamala Harris’ administration before the vice president lost the election.

The House passed a stopgap package Friday evening that pushes the government funding deadline to March, as Congress races to avoid a looming deadline that would shut down the government in six hours.

The package passed 366-34, with the support of 196 Democrats and 170 Republicans. It now moves to the Senate, where leaders are hoping to lock in an agreement to fast-track final passage of the measure, racing against the midnight government shutdown deadline.

The package’s passage seemingly ends a chaotic 48 hours, after Elon Musk and President-elect Donald Trump worked to spike a previously-negotiated bipartisan funding agreement. The package that passed the House includes more than $110 billion in disaster aid and a one-year farm bill extension but is stripped of Trump’s demand: a debt limit extension.

Musk weighed in just before the vote, commending Speaker Mike Johnson for having done “a good job here, given the circumstances,” while noting that many previously agreed upon policies were left out of the measure the House ultimately passed. “It went from a bill that weighed pounds to a bill that weighed ounces,” Musk posted on X, his social media platform.

Across the Capitol, leaders in the Senate will need agreement from all 100 senators in order to clear the stopgap quickly, but at least one Republican senator is seeking a promise of votes on offsets before they’ll agree to fast-tracking the bill. House leaders needed to clear a two-thirds majority threshold to advance the measure, because Johnson brought it to the floor under a process meant to get around conservatives who have blocked spending bills brought up under simple majority threshold.

The progress comes after a week of chaos and House Republican infighting after a previous stopgap spending agreement brokered by Johnson and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer collapsed under pressure from Trump and Musk. A stripped down Trump-backed proposal with a debt limit increase failed dramatically on the floor Thursday night.

House Majority Leader Steve Scalise said Friday night that Johnson showed “tremendous leadership this week through very difficult times.”

“At the end of the day, I think everybody recognizes it makes sense to keep government open, but also to take care of those disaster victims who have been waiting for months for this relief and the farmers who are struggling,” Scalise said. “There’s a lot of good that’s going to be done in this bill.”

Johnson has repeatedly had to rely on overwhelming Democratic support to pass funding bills, a fact that could haunt him in his bid to keep the speakership on Jan. 3. Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) has already pledged that he will vote against Johnson, who will have a razor-thin majority next year, which means every defection is a legitimate threat to his leadership.

The House GOP conference rejected a proposal backed by Massie to hold separate votes on a government funding bill, farm aid and money for natural disasters. Johnson would then have brought the three-bill package up under a so-called rule, which would require him to get near unified GOP support.

Under the House-passed stopgap, government funding will again run dry on March 14. Lawmakers hope to clear a spending package before then with new funding levels for fiscal 2025, which will be half over by then. The March deadline will allow the incoming Trump administration to get involved in a final funding deal.

The White House has endorsed a revised bill funding the government, pledging to back the stopgap measure even as it blasted Republicans for reneging on an earlier bipartisan deal.

“President Biden supports moving this legislation forward and ensuring that the vital services the government provides for hardworking Americans,” press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre said in a statement Friday evening, “from issuing Social Security checks to processing benefits for veterans.”

The administration’s support came as the bill was poised to sail through the House, after House Democrats agreed to vote for the three-month funding package that includes disaster aid and a one-year farm bill extension.

That proposal was trimmed down significantly from an earlier bipartisan agreement, which President-elect Donald Trump tanked on Wednesday, triggering a scramble to avoid a government shutdown.

The White House and congressional Democrats maintained throughout the crisis that it was Republicans’ responsibility to resolve the impasse and keep the government open — and refused to back an earlier deal that would have stripped many provisions negotiated over the last few weeks.

But after the GOP abandoned an effort to raise the debt limit as part of the funding effort, something President-elect Donald Trump pushed for, Democrats opted to support Friday’s revised bill.

“While it does not include everything we sought, it includes disaster relief that the President requested for the communities recovering from the storm, eliminates the accelerated pathway to a tax cut for billionaires, and would ensure that the government can continue to operate at full capacity,” Jean-Pierre said in her statement.

Corey Lewandowski, Donald Trump’s former campaign manager, is helping Kristi Noem with transition planning for the Department of Homeland Security, according to four people familiar with the Trump transition.

In recent weeks, Lewandowski has sat in on transition meetings with Noem, Trump’s pick to head DHS, and consulted with her on political appointees for the sprawling agency, said three of the people, who were granted anonymity as a condition of sharing details on the transition.

It is not clear if Lewandowski has an official role yet in the transition or is helping in a personal capacity, according to two of the people.

Lewandowski has also told people on the transition team that he’s part of the DHS transition and is believed to be leading personnel hiring, according to two of the people. One person said he’s been doing interviews with potential DHS appointees, both with Noem and independently. He’s not on the DHS landing team, which is being led by Robert Law.

In one sense, Lewandowski’s involvement does not come as a surprise. As a close friend and former adviser to the South Dakota governor, he vouched for her to get the DHS role.

Still, he has never worked at DHS, and his proximity to Noem in the transition process indicates that the political operative could have a hand in key personnel decisions at an agency that will oversee a cornerstone of Trump’s second term: the mass deportation of illegal immigrants.

Asked multiple times for clarification on Lewandowski’s role, Brian Hughes, a spokesperson for the Trump Transition, said only that “As per the Transition MOU with the Biden Administration, the White House is receiving the names of those serving on landing teams.” He also added: “The landing team members are connecting with their counterparts at the departments and agencies.”

In a text in response to POLITICO’s reporting, Lewandowski said: “It’s all Fake News and no one cares.”

A spokesperson for Noem offered no comment in response to an inquiry about Lewandowski’s involvement.

Lewandowski’s work with Noem provides the latest sign he is wielding influence again inside Trump’s orbit. The former campaign chief was ousted in the middle of the 2016 campaign, when he was blamed for running a political operation that appeared to be sputtering.

Trump advisers and Noem also briefly cut ties with Lewandowski over allegations that he made unwanted sexual advances towards a Republican donor in 2021. Lewandowski cut a deal with Las Vegas prosecutors after he was charged with misdemeanor battery, and the case was dismissed. He later mended fences with Noem, and rejoined the Trump campaign this fall as an adviser.

Outgoing Senate GOP Leader Mitch McConnell, in a speech Friday reflecting on his time in leadership, urged lawmakers to find ways to get things done amid Congress’ ongoing government funding meltdown.


“Folks come to Washington to do one of two things. To make a point. Or to make a difference … it’s usually not that hard to tell who’s doing which. Especially in situations like the one we are in right now,” McConnell said.

McConnell will exit leadership next term, but remain in the conference as a rank-and-file member. He is not up for reelection until 2026, and is expected to play a mentor role for Senate Republicans next term. He has served as GOP leader for nearly two decades and signaled he intends to stay involved in legislating, insisting the “arsenal of democracy must be restored” and “peace through strength must once again actually mean something other than just a slogan.”

But this week, McConnell’s final legislative days as leader are being marked by chaos in the House, where Republican leadership has failed to pass a government funding bill ahead of Friday night’s shutdown deadline.

McConnell expressed his distaste with members who are holding out a funding deal.

“You never get everything you want, but often you can get quite a lot. And the folks who prefer to make a point have a funny habit of reminding us out loud how poorly they understand that fact,” McConnell said.

“I don’t care to count how many times I’ve reminded our colleagues, and our House counterparts, how harmful it is to shut the government down,” he added. “And how foolish it is to bet your own side won’t take the blame for it. Recent history doesn’t leave a whole lot of room for interpretation on that on.”

Looking ahead, McConnell said he’ll be rooting for the new Senate GOP leadership team, which Sen. John Thune of South Dakota will helm starting next year.

House GOP leaders laid out a plan Friday to avert the upcoming debt cliff on their own next year, despite President-elect Donald Trump’s insistence that Congress handle it before he takes office.

During a closed-door conference meeting Friday afternoon, House Republican leaders proposed a commitment to raising the debt ceiling by $1.5 trillion early in 2025. GOP leaders would pair that with a $2.5 trillion cut in “mandatory” spending, the category of government funding that largely runs on autopilot and bankrolls benefits programs like Medicaid, Social Security, SNAP nutrition assistance, Medicare and welfare payments to the poorest Americans.

Under the proposed plan, hiking the debt limit and cutting spending would be done through the filibuster-skirting process Republicans hope to use next year to pass major bills on a simple-majority vote in the Senate. The plan would defy Trump’s demands, as the president-elect insisted this week that Democrats get roped into immediate action to lift the nation’s borrowing cap before he takes office in January.

It would also heighten pressure on congressional Republicans to quickly clear a party-line reconciliation bill next year, despite their ongoing struggles to unite around a basic strategy for harnessing the special budget power to enact priorities like more border security funding and tax cuts.

The debt limit is unpredictable, and delaying action is risky, a hazard Trump has made clear he doesn’t want to inherit. “Congress must get rid of, or extend out to, perhaps, 2029, the ridiculous Debt Ceiling,” Trump posted on social media early Friday. “Remember, the pressure is on whoever is President.”

But House Democrats remain united in opposition to lifting the debt limit before Trump takes office. After Speaker Mike Johnson abandoned a bipartisan deal this week to prevent a government shutdown at midnight Friday, Democrats — and a sizable number of conservatives — overwhelmingly voted against a Trump-backed bill that would have also suspended the debt ceiling for two years.

Now Republican leaders are planning a vote Friday on a funding patch without the language to avert the debt cliff, as they grasp for a new plan to prevent a funding lapse ahead of Christmas.

As the U.S. national debt sits at more than $36 trillion, the nation’s borrowing limit will be turned back on Jan. 1, just before Republicans take control of Congress and ahead of Trump’s inauguration.

Then starts months of guessing as to when the U.S. might default on its debt, as the Treasury Department does its best to stay under the new debt ceiling by using so-called “extraordinary measures” to shift cash.

When the U.S. hit the debt limit last year, it took just over four months for the U.S. to approach the X-date, the Treasury secretary’s prediction for the day the nation would default on its loans. By deciding to act alone on the debt limit next year, rather than involving Democrats in a bipartisan negotiation, congressional Republicans would be adding an extra time constraint to that usually drawn-out process of making sure a reconciliation package meets the Senate’s rules and whipping near-unified Republican support with slim GOP majorities in both chambers.

While a debt default has never occurred, many economists predict that it would cause irreparable harm across the global economy. Even congressional brinkmanship over the debt limit has degraded confidence in the U.S. as a borrower, resulting in recent downgrades in the nation’s credit score.

Those risks will only increase the onus on Republicans to unite next year around a reconciliation plan, a challenging feat considering divisions among GOP lawmakers over fiscal issues, including whether to target mandatory funding or the discretionary spending Congress controls each year through regular funding bills.