Rep. Mark Green said Monday he plans to resign from Congress after four terms to accept a private-sector job offer.

The Tennessee Republican and Homeland Security Committee said his retirement would begin after the House votes again on the GOP’s domestic-policy megabill now under consideration in the Senate.

“I am grateful to Speaker Johnson and House Leadership for placing their trust in me to chair the Committee on Homeland Security, lead the effort to impeach former Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas, and to pass H.R. 2, the Secure the Border Act, the strongest border security legislation in history to ever pass the House,” Green said in a statement. “However, my time in Congress has come to an end.”

Green announced last year he would retire but then reentered the race. Shortly before the election, his wife went public with allegations of an extramarital affair, which POLITICO corroborated.

Green did not disclose the identity of his future employer. Under House rules, members are required to disclose negotiations with a future private employer to the Ethics Committee, and are required to recuse themselves from matters where their future employment would pose a conflict of interest.

A spokesperson for the Ethics Committee declined to comment on whether Green disclosed any job talks in advance.

The retirement could leave Johnson with a vacancy for several months. Under Tennessee law, GOP Gov. Bill Lee has to call a special election within 10 days after the vacancy is official, with the general election to be held between 100 and 107 days after that. The seat is considered safely Republican, with Donald Trump having won the district by 22 points last year.

House Republicans will try to fix issues with their megabill in the Rules Committee this week based on provisions the Senate parliamentarian has identified as non-compliant with the chamber’s rules, according to five people with direct knowledge of the plans.

Republicans need to send their massive tax and spending package to the Senate to make its own changes. But without making certain revisions to the House-passed bill first, it could run afoul of the chamber’s parliamentarian.

In the words of one senior House GOP aide, granted anonymity to speak candidly, certain House-approved provisions could prove “fatal” to the bill’s ability to comply with the rules surrounding the filibuster-skirting budget reconciliation process, which Republicans are relying upon to pass their domestic policy measure without Democratic votes.

House GOP leaders are currently working through the bill text and will either strike small pieces of the legislation or drop certain sections altogether.

One provision the parliamentarian has raised concerns about is a clearinghouse to crack down on duplicative food aid, Medicaid and other safety net benefits, according to two other people aware of the emerging plan. This issue is currently in limbo between two panel jurisdictions.

Among the many rules Senate Republicans must adhere to in a reconciliation bill is that it can’t include a policy that falls outside the jurisdiction of one of the committees empowered through the budget resolution Republicans approved in April to set parameters for the larger package. It also can’t include a policy that would affect federal spending, when the committee in question was instructed to change revenue.

Lawmakers will work within the House Rules Committee to make these tweaks, according to the people, inserting the new language into an unrelated rule which the panel will adopt Tuesday to govern floor consideration for other legislation.

That tactic would negate the need to have House Republicans vote on the party-line tax and spending package as a standalone measure, when passing the bill the first time around through a razor-thin GOP majority was a painful enough episode for leadership.

The GOP plan to make technical corrections to the megabill inside the Rules Committee was first reported by Punchbowl News.

President Donald Trump’s decision to deploy troops to Los Angeles in response to protests is driving a new push in Congress to rein in presidential power.

Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.) told POLITICO he is drafting new legislation to sharply limit a president’s ability to deploy troops on American soil — a move he says is urgently needed after the White House sent National Guard soldiers and Marines to the country’s second-largest city after raucous but relatively small demonstrations against immigration arrests.

“The mainstream of America really believes deeply that our military should be used to defend our national interests and security, not to silence protest at home,” he said.

Blumenthal has long sought to overhaul the Insurrection Act and related presidential powers with the goal of preventing a president from federalizing the National Guard or using active-duty forces domestically without speedy congressional oversight.

Under Blumenthal’s proposal, a president could deploy troops domestically for a strictly limited period, possibly 10 or 20 days, he said — after which congressional approval would be required. The restrictions would apply to active-duty and Guard units under federal command.

“We’re sort of beginning to work on another version of it, which we hope to introduce,” Blumenthal said Monday.

Trump has not invoked the Insurrection Act, but instead used a separate legal authority to deploy 2,000 National Guard troops to protect federal property and personnel amid protests in L.A. Critics, including Blumenthal, argue the move amounts to a “backdoor” attempt to deploy the military in ways that could violate constitutional rights.

Blumenthal’s office is reaching out to other lawmaker offices to reach consensus and build support, but he acknowledged that Republican backing — which eluded his past efforts — will be hard to get. He said he was “hopeful” but “not super confident” he might get support GOP senators who have bucked Trump before, such as Sens. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) and Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine).

House Speaker Mike Johnson still believes July 4 is a realistic target for passing President Donald Trump’s “big beautiful bill,” as Republicans in the Senate weigh changes to a package that cleared the House by just a single vote in May.

But Johnson, while seated alongside Trump at a White House roundtable with business leaders on Monday, said he hopes the Senate uses a “light touch” in its modifications of the sweeping megabill.

“We certainly hope, I believe, we can still meet that,” Johnson said. “It’s up to the Senate, the bill’s in the Senate’s hands now. But I spoke with Leader Thune as recently as last night, he’s feeling very optimistic.”

The president chimed in, telling reporters “I think it’s gonna go pretty quickly.”

Johnson’s optimism comes even as the bill has faced major pushback from Elon Musk, the president’s one-time ally. Musk panned the package last week, calling it “a disgusting abomination” and imploring Republicans to “kill the bill.”

Work on the megabill is continuing this week, with Sens. John Boozman (R-Ark.) and Mike Crapo (R-Idaho) set to brief colleagues on some of the trickiest pieces of the package on Wednesday.

Johnson cautioned the Senate against making too many changes to the House-passed version, lest it upset the delicate equilibrium in his caucus.

“I’ve encouraged my dear friends and colleagues over there, don’t modify it too much because we’ve got a very delicate balance that we reached,” he said. “And it took us a long time to get there. And we don’t want to upset that balance too much. So they’re putting their fingerprints on it.”

Senate Republicans are aiming to pass landmark cryptocurrency legislation that would create new rules for dollar-pegged digital tokens this week, Majority Leader John Thune said Monday.

“We’re trying to figure out if there’s still a path forward on amendments, but the goal is to have it across the floor” this week, Thune said in a brief interview.

Thune filed cloture on the bill on Monday, teeing it up for another procedural vote as soon as Wednesday.

GOP leaders have been seeking to strike a deal on amendments that would allow them to proceed more quickly to a vote on final passage. But they have been unable to come to an agreement thus far, in large part due to a push by Sen. Roger Marshall (R-Kan.) to force a vote on controversial legislation that aims to crack down on credit card swipe fees.

Top Republican congressional leaders met separately with President Donald Trump at the White House on Monday as they try to finalize the “big, beautiful bill” before a self-imposed July 4 deadline.

Senate Majority Leader John Thune met in private with Trump, according to a person granted anonymity to describe the undisclosed event, as Senate Republicans strain to settle several tricky provisions involving Medicaid, the state-and-local-tax deduction, key Trump tax priorities and more.

Speaker Mike Johnson, Ways and Means Chair Jason Smith (R-Mo.) and other GOP lawmakers later attended a White House event with Trump touting key tax provisions of the House-passed tax bill. They include a tax exemption for tips — something Senate Republicans are considering scaling down in order to fit in other business tax extensions and other Senate-side priorities.

Thune met with Senate Finance Chair Mike Crapo after returning to the Capitol. The tight-lipped Idaho Republican declined to discuss when he might have his piece of the bill ready but acknowledged that a key priority for many Senate Republicans — making certain business tax incentives permanent — is a “work in progress.”

Thune could head back to the White House for more meetings this week. He’s also in close contact with Johnson, who said at the White House event Monday that he talked with Thune on Sunday night and his message to Senate remains “don’t modify it too much.”

A top House Republican appropriator opposes the Trump administration’s plans to claw back funding for public media — a potential problem for GOP leaders who need near-unity within their party to pass the White House’s request that Congress revoke billions of dollars it has already approved.

Rep. Mark Amodei of Nevada, who leads the subcommittee with jurisdiction over the Department of Homeland Security, on Monday joined with Rep. Dan Goldman (D-N.Y.) to urge the administration to reconsider its proposal to cut $1.1 billion from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, which funds PBS and NPR.

It’s a portion of the larger recissions package the administration sent to Capitol Hill last week to cut $9.4 billion previously greenlit by Congress, mainly for foreign aid.

“Public media has demonstrated a willingness to listen to the American public and adapt,” said the two lawmakers, who are co-chairs of the Bipartisan Public Broadcasting Caucus, in a statement. “While we reaffirm that public media must be objective and legitimate concerns about content should be addressed, funding decisions should be objective as well.”

Amodei and Goldman also noted that public media supports local jobs and the spread of information to rural constituents, and that cutting its funding does not significantly save money.

“Public broadcasting represents less than 0.01% of the federal budget, yet its impact reaches every congressional district,” lawmakers said. “Cutting this funding will not meaningfully reduce the deficit, but it will dismantle a trusted source of information for millions of Americans.”

President Donald Trump and many of his Republican allies have said NPR and PBS air programming biased against conservatives and shouldn’t receive government support. But Amodei joins a growing number of GOP lawmakers who want to tread carefully. Other Republicans are expressing concerns about cuts to global AIDS prevention efforts, too.

House Majority Leader Steve Scalise last Friday introduced the rescissions package as a formal piece of legislation, with a floor vote expected later this week. It is unclear whether Amodei would vote against the package on the floor as it is, but leaders can only afford to lose three Republican votes and still pass the measure.

“We don’t share how he is planning to vote before a vote but he is looking at all of the information,” said Carrie Kwarcinski, a spokesperson for Amodei, in a statement.

Senate Republicans will huddle on Wednesday as they try to iron out some of the trickiest parts of their “big, beautiful bill.”

GOP senators are expected to be briefed by committee chairs who have yet to release their pieces of their party-line pack of tax cuts and extensions, border security investments, energy policy and more. Republicans held a similar meeting last week with panel leaders to discuss the less contentious parts of the bill.

Senate Finance Chair Mike Crapo is tentatively scheduled to be among the Republicans to update colleagues at Wednesday’s confab, according to five Republican senators and staff granted anonymity to share details of private deliberations. Senate Agriculture Committee Chair John Boozman is also likely to brief the conference.

The two Republican lawmakers are tasked with crafting some of the trickiest parts of the package.

Crapo has the drafting pen both on his party’s tax priorities, as well as changes to Medicaid and potentially Medicare. Senate Finance had been expected to release text this Friday, but Republicans are preparing for that to slip until early next week as they navigate the state-and-local-tax deduction cap and other sticking points.

Boozman, meanwhile, is facing pushback to a House proposal that would require states to cover part of the cost of federal food assistance benefits known as SNAP. At the same time the panel is struggling to hit the $150 billion in net savings Senate Republican leaders are pushing for the agriculture portion of the megabill.

Senate Republican leaders had been the Agriculture Committee to expected to release text Wednesday, but that timeline is also looking tenuous as more governors over this past weekend raised private issues with the cost-share plans.

A Medicare proposal some Republicans want to include in their sweeping megabill has the backing of a key Democratic senator — though he doesn’t want it included in the party-line package.

Sen. Jeff Merkley of Oregon said in a statement that he stands behind the No UPCODE Act, a bill co-sponsored with Louisiana Republican Bill Cassidy that tackles tools Medicare Advantage plans use to get higher payments from the federal government — calling it “common sense” that health insurers “shouldn’t be allowed to overcharge taxpayers for the care they deliver.”

However, he said in the statement to POLITICO, the legislation should instead be considered “through regular order, not in the context of a partisan bill that will end up leaving 16 million people without health care.”

Still, Merkley’s statement standing up for the policy Republicans are now eyeing for their domestic policy agenda could give the GOP cover as they look to find more savings to offset costly tax cuts and other provisions. Including No UPCODE could generate more than $100 billion in savings and help Senate Republicans soften some politically tricky provisions in the House-passed megabill.

The House debated adding the bill to their version of the package but eventually relented after Republicans in battleground districts repeatedly warned it was too politically toxic. Now GOP senators say President Donald Trump — who had repeatedly pledged to keep Medicare intact — has privately blessed changes to the program so long as they are limited to addressing “waste, fraud and abuse.”

Even so, the discussion continues to cause heartburn in the GOP, with Sen. Josh Hawley of Missouri expressing outright opposition and a group of House moderates feeling blindsided by the Senate discussions.

Key centrist Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pa.) said he’d need to talk to Senate leadership about the scope of the proposal. “We specifically kept that out,” he said.

Speaker Mike Johnson demurred Friday when asked by POLITICO if he would advise Senate Republicans to avoid touching Medicare, saying they “haven’t addressed that yet.”

It’s not yet clear to what extent Democrats will seek to weaponize any GOP attempts to target Medicare in their “big, beautiful bill” — and it could be tricky if the underlying policy Republicans embrace is bipartisan. So far the opposition messaging has focused largely on potential cuts to Medicaid, the joint federal-state health program for needy Americans.

Already, though, the possibility of adding the Cassidy-Merkley legislation to the megabill has generated fierce pushback from the insurance industry.

Mary Beth Donahue, president and CEO of advocacy group Better Medicare Alliance, which counts insurers among its members, said in a statement Friday that the legislation amounts to a cut to benefits and would “break a promise to millions of seniors who rely on it.”

Cassidy said in a statement the legislation would help cut down on fraud and waste in Medicare Advantage, which lets older Americans get a private plan with additional benefits.

“To say the No UPCODE Act has bipartisan support is an understatement,” he said.

Jordain Carney contributed to this report.

It’s shaping up to be an enormously consequential week for President Donald Trump’s legislative agenda, and there’s one lawmaker at the center of it all: Senate Finance Chair Mike Crapo.

The Idaho Republican has a mammoth to-do list this week, which includes resolving make-or-break fights over tax policy, Medicaid cuts and clean energy credits. (POLITICO Pro readers got our deeper dive first Sunday.)

The soft-spoken Crapo has been stealthily working to coordinate changes to the “big, beautiful” bill. It’s looking like he won’t release his committee’s piece of the package until next week, with several outstanding policy issues unresolved. Senate Finance is expected to begin going through bill text with members and staff beginning Monday, and Crapo is expected to brief the broader Senate Republican conference mid-week.

“We’re working as aggressively as we can to move as fast as we can,” Crapo says.

Crapo’s leaning on a cadre of trusted advisers. Finance staff director Gregg Richard, chief tax counsel Courtney Connell and deputy chief tax counsel Randy Herndon are among his critical staff on the bill.

Crapo is known for his spare words but also for his history of landing deals. One of his biggest wins was the 2018 law that eased the Dodd-Frank banking law — an effort that required bringing along Democrats to help serve up a Trump administration victory.

He also flexed as a deal killer last year, blocking a tax revamp negotiated by House Ways and Means Chair Jason Smith (R-Mo.) and then-Senate Finance Chair Ron Wyden (D-Ore.).

Last year’s clash soured the relationship between Crapo and Smith, yet the two have found a way to work together to deliver Trump’s latest round of tax cuts.

“We’ve been communicating very closely so we each know what the other is thinking,” Crapo says.

Now Crapo faces his biggest test yet as he tries to resolve Senate clashes over razor’s-edge deals that Smith and other top House Republicans struck to pass their version of the bill. Some of those conflicts are within Senate Finance itself, with Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) pushing for changes to “no tax on tips” and Sen. James Lankford (R-Okla.) wanting to scale back planned endowment taxes on private universities.

Crapo’s personal priority? He is the leading advocate for using a legislative accounting method known as current policy baseline that would treat the extension of Trump’s 2017 tax cuts as costing nothing. This is a big flash point between him and fiscal hard-liners.

If he succeeds in the Senate, Crapo’s compromise will have to survive the House. Some top House Republicans are urging him to go easy on them.

“Mike Crapo is a brilliant senator and he’s instrumental on the tax stuff and everything else. You got to respect his opinion,” Majority Whip Tom Emmer told POLITICO. “But at the end of the day, I hope they leave it right where it’s at.”

What else we’re watching:

— More megabill text this week: The Senate HELP and Energy committees are expected to release their text on Tuesday; Agriculture on Wednesday; and Homeland Security and Judiciary on Thursday, according to our latest intel. Agriculture text though may slide to later this week or possibly into next week as several governors are now raising concerns about plans for federal food aid.

— How lawmakers respond to immigration clashes: Congressional Hispanic Caucus members held an emergency meeting late Sunday after Trump mobilized the National Guard to respond to confrontations between law enforcement and protesters in Southern California over federal immigration policy. Sen. Lindsey Graham is among the GOP lawmakers using the clashes to call for passing the megabill. Look for the issue to come up at Monday’s House Appropriations subcommittee on DHS funding, which includes immigration enforcement.

— Rescissions vote: House GOP leaders are planning to vote Thursday on a rescissions bill that would claw back $9.4 billion in funds Congress has approved for foreign aid and public broadcasting. But there’s a new problem for Speaker Mike Johnson – at least 10 moderate Republicans have privately said they currently oppose the legislation, according to four people with direct knowledge. The bill is scheduled to go to Rules on Tuesday.

Meredith Lee Hill, Katherine Tully-McManus and Nicholas Wu contributed to this report.